Autor využívá recenze knihy srbských historiků Mileho Bjelajace a Gordany Krivokapić-Jovičové Příspěvky k odborné kritice: Srbská historiografie a svět. Vliv jugoslávské krize na zahraniční a domácí historiografii k obecnějšímu zamyšlení nad stavem srbské a postjugoslávské historiografie ve světovém kontextu bádání o nejnovějších dějinách jihoslovanských zemí. Autorská dvojice podle něj zastupuje ten proud v srbském dějepisectví, který se dokázal vymanit z omezení národními dějinami, pozitivistické faktografie a nacionálních stereotypů a patří ve své zemi k úplné špičce. Tematické okruhy jejich knihy tvoří stěžejní problémy srbských a jihoslovanských moderních dějin, jako je vznik, existence a příčiny ztroskotání projektu společného jugoslávského státu. Na nich recenzent ukazuje vývojové trendy národních historiografií bývalé Jugoslávie od státní ideologie jugoslávské jednoty a bratrství přes „novou ortodoxii“ antikomunismu a antijugoslávství po rozpadu společného státu a novou politickou instrumentalizaci za balkánských válek až po současnou pluraliazaci přístupů a otevírání horizontů., In his review of this work, whose title translates as ‘Serbian Historiography and the World: The Influence that the Yugoslav Crisis Has Had on Historiography at Home and Abroad. Contributions to Specialist Criticism’, the reviewer offers more general considerations of the state of Serbian and post-Yugoslav historiography in the international context of research on the contemporary history of the South Slav countries. The two authors of the book, Mile Bjelajac and Gordana Krivokapić-Jović, represent, according to the reviewer, a trend in Serbian historiography, which has been able to free itself from the limitations of national history, positivist assimilation of mere facts, and national stereotypes; they are, in short, among the best historians in their country. The range of topics discussed in this volume cover the key problems of modern Serbian and Yugoslav history, such as the origin, existence, and causes of the demise of the shared state of the South Slavs. The reviewer uses these topic areas to show the trends in the development of the national historiographies of the former Yugoslavia, from the state ideology of Yugoslav unity and brotherhood to the ‘new orthodoxy’ of anti-Communism and anti-Yugoslavism, to the break-up of the shared state and the new instrumentalization of politics during the Yugoslav Wars, to the current pluralization of approaches and the opening up of new horizons., [autor recenze] Ondřej Vojtěchovský., and Obsahuje bibliografii
It is two hundred years since the first biographers of Ignaz Cornova – ex-Jesuit scholar, Prague university professor and member of the Royal Bohemian Society of Sciences – mentioned his articles written for periodicals, but to date these remain unstudied. They have been neither collected nor analysed; we do not even know how many periodicals he contributed to. In his research on the subject, the author has identified six periodicals in which Cornova published between 1793 and 1814 and found thirteen separate texts – a figure that is almost certain to rise. His analysis of these articles supplements and refines the conclusions reached by historians on the basis of Cornova’s writings in book form. He is presented as a historian of Bohemia (and beyond), a Czech patriot, a Catholic, and a loyal subject of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine who was committed to educating society as a whole, especially in the field of history, and maintaining social peace.
Studie se zabývá černým trhem v sedmdesátých a osmdesátých letech minulého století v Československé socialistické republice a Německé demokratické republice v komparativní perspektivě. Nejprve stručně charakterizuje společenské podmínky socialistických diktatur, které existenci černého trhu podmiňovaly a v nichž se mohl úspěšně reprodukovat. Poté se snaží identifikovat, jaké společné znaky v rámci podloudného obchodování se v obou zemích vyskytovaly a jaká lokální specifika určovala jejich odlišnost. Autor svou pozornost zaměřuje hlavně na dva segmenty tehdejšího černého trhu - podloudné obchodování se zahraničním spotřebním zbožím a devizovou trestnou činnost. Přibližuje, kteří historičtí aktéři byli hybateli černého trhu a s jakým zbožím se přednostně obchodovalo. V Československu se narozdíl od východního Německa vyvinula specifická společenská vrstva takzvaných veksláků, která měla na lokálním černém trhu silné postavení a těžila z prodeje valut, tuzexových poukázek či spotřebního zboží. V Německé demokratické republice jako zprostředkovatelé při opatřování nedostatkového zboží sloužily především rodinné kontakty a známosti v sousední Spolkové republice. Přesto se i zde vytvořily organizované sítě podloudných obchodníků, mezi nimiž zaujímali výsadní postavení občané Polské lidové republiky, především díky svým možnostem poměrně volného cestování do zahraničí, a spoluutvářeli tak ráz černého trhu v NDR., This article compares and contrasts the black markets in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and the German Democratic Republic in the 1970s and 1980s. It first briefly discusses the social conditions of the Communist dictatorships, which determined the existence, and successful reproduction, of the black market. It then seeks to identify the common features in illegal trade in the two countries and also those specific to only one country or the other. The author focuses mainly on two sectors of the black market at that time - namely, the illegal trade in foreign consumer goods and the criminal exchange of hard currency. He discusses the figures who were the driving forces in the black market, and the commodities which they preferred to deal in. In Czechoslovakia, unlike East Germany, a special social stratum of underhand moneychangers, called veksláci, had a strong position on the local black market, and profited from the sale of hard (Western) currency, coupons to the exclusive Tuzex shops (that had scarce Western goods), and consumer goods. In East Germany, it was mainly family members, friends, and acquaintances from West Germany who served as the middlemen in obtaining scarce goods. Nevertheless, there, too, organized networks of black-marketeers were formed, in which citizens of the People’s Republic of Poland occupied a privileged position, thanks mainly to the relative ease with which Poles could travel abroad; and they too influenced the nature of the East German black market., Adam Havlík., and Obsahuje bibliografii
This article is concerned with the attitude that the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (Komunistická strana Čech a Moravy - KSČM) has had towards its own past. It examines the subject from the perspective of the internal development of the Party and its search for a political and cultural identity in the Czech political system. The interpretation of the past and the role of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (Komunistická strana Československa - KSČ) in Czech and Czechoslovak history were key elements in the ideological development of the Party in the fi rst ten years of Czech democracy after the changes beginning in November 1989. And they played a central role in the Communists’ efforts to respond to the newdemocracy’s systemic and rhetorical anti-Communism. In this article the author seeks to demonstrate what effect debates about the past had in causing divisions in the Party in the fi rst years after 1989. On the one hand they contributed to cleavages within the Party, but on the other hand they also created conditions for its later consolidation and new self-confi dence. The initial reformist strategy inclined roughly to the ideas of the Social Democratic Party and sought to win the maximum number of votes and ultimately a share in government. It was supported by the fi lm-maker and chairman of the Party, Jiří Svoboda (b. 1945) from 1990 to 1993, but was gradually superseded by the strategy of what one Czech expert on international relations, Vladimír Handl, has called the ''left-wing retreat'', and what one British political scientist, Seán Hanley, calls ''voter representation'', based on the strengthening of political-cultural identity and the emphasizing of communication between the rank-and-fi le and the leadership of the Party. As the author demonstrates, the idea of ''coming to terms with the past'' gradually acquired a meaning amongst the Communists that was markedly different from the meaning it had for most Czechs. The pragmatism of the subsequent leader, Miroslav Grebeníček (b. 1947), to a certain extent attenuated, but did not solve, the fundamental dilemma faced by the Party, which consisted in the confl ict between the ''logic of the electoral struggle'' and the ''logic of voter representation''. The fi rst trend after the downfall of the reformists in 1993 included, in particular, neoCommunist theorists (like the political thinker Miloslav Ransdorf, b. 1953), who sought to formulate Socialist alternatives acceptable to most left-leaning Czechs. That also led them to attempt a more critical analysis of their own past than the majority of their rank-and-fi le members would have done. The second trend, the logic of voter representation, oriented to preserving and strengthening the strong identity of Party members and supporters, was linked with the continuing conservative majority of the rank-and-fi le represented by local activists, the Party press, and some members of the Party leadership. All of them preferred the programme of political and social populism. They tended to understand history as the ''politics of history'' - in other words, as a means to support their own identity and to resist the hostile environment outside the Party. For both trends in the Party, however, the challenge presented by anti-Communism - whether systemic or spontaneous - remained, to the end of the 1990s, an important, if not the most important, unifying motive. But it considerably limited their possibilities to raise sensitive questions about their own past and to hold a potentially critical debate.