Studie je věnována Kosíkovu výkladu české radikální demokracie, jak jej podal na přelomu čtyřicátých a padesátých let minulého století. Autor předkládá tezi, podle níž byla jedním z cílů Kosíkových textů o tomto politickém hnutí konceptualizace levicového radikalismu. Úvodní část statě rekapituluje a hodnotí historiografické práce mapující vztah umění a politiky, respektive kulturní politiku v období takzvaného stalinismu (knihy Alexeje Kusáka a Jiřího Knapíka), a předkládá základní charakteristiku levicového radikalismu, chápaného jako životní postoj charakteristický pro relativně krátké období počátků totalitního režimu. V oblasti umění se tento utopický, normativně uzavřený koncept projevoval extrémně instrumentálním přístupem k uměleckému dílu, jehož primárním smyslem měla být spoluúčast na budování „nového“ světa. Karel Kosík je ve studii chápán jako čelný představitel generace mladých komunistů, jenž měl zásadní podíl na založení nového filozofického diskurzu a který formuloval nové výkladové paradigma dějin českého politického a filozofického myšlení 19. století. Druhá část studie shrnuje důvody, proč lze Kosíkovým textům o radikální demokracii přikládat v rámci soudobého diskurzu specifické postavení. Hlavním argumentem je skutečnost, že vedle názorů Zdeňka Nejedlého představovaly Kosíkovy texty (vyznačující se v některých případech výraznou ideologičností a spojováním odborného stylu s prvky politické žurnalistiky) nejvýraznější dobovou tematizaci „české otázky“. Kosíkův výklad radikální demokracie je představen v komparaci se staršími marxistickými výklady dějin 19. století (Jana Švermy, Záviše Kalandry, Václava Čejchana). V závěru textu je naznačen Kosíkův konstrukt „pokrokové“ linie českých dějin, který byl založen na představě „revolučnosti“, a jeho pojetí „české otázky“. and The article is concerned with the interpretation of Czech radical democracy as postulated by the Marxist philosopher Karel Kosík (1926–2003) in the late 1940s and early 1950s. It argues that one of the aims of Kosík’s writing about this political movement was to conceptualize leftwing radicalism. It begins with a recapitulation and assessment of historiographical work charting out the relationship between art and politics, particularly policy on culture and the arts in the period of Stalinism (referring to works by Alexej Kusák and Jiří Knapík), and presents the basic feature of leftwing radicalism, which is understood as an attitude characteristic of the relatively short period from the beginning of the totalitarian régime. In the sphere of art this utopian, normatively closed concept was manifested by an extremely utilitarian approach to a work of art, whose primary purpose was meant to be participation in building a “new” world. In this article Kosík is seen as a leading member of the generation of young Communists who had a substantial share in establishing a new philosophical discourse and formulated new criteria for interpreting the history of nineteenth-century Czech political and philosophical thought. The second part of the article summarizes the reasons Kosík’s writings about radical democracy should be given a special status in today’s discourse. The main argument is the fact that, apart from the opinions of Zdeněk Nejedlý, Kosík’s writings (marked in some cases by a strikingly ideological character and the mixing of academic style with elements of political journalism) presented the most sharply defined discussion of the “Czech Question” at the time. Kosík’s interpretation of radical democracy is presented in comparison with earlier Marxist interpretations of the history of the nineteenth century (by Jan Šverma, Záviš Kalandra, and Václav Čejchan). In the conclusion of the article Kosík’s construct is called the “progressive” line of Czech history, which was based on the idea of “revolutionary spirit” (revolučnost) and his understanding of the “Czech Question.”
Jan Blažek, a correspondent of the Czech Ethnological Society, wrote in 1982 a text that described representatives of selected socio-professional groups in the Czech countryside before World War I. He paid attention to beggars, vagrants, wanderers, and barrel organ players. Even though those people usually were on the margin of society, the author identifies peculiar features of each of the mentioned groups and he differentiates between them (he creates a particular characteristics for each of them). He deals with their social and material situation, majority ́s relationship to them (including possible stereotypes and expressions of solidarity), their life conditions (diet, accommodation, clothing etc.) and other features (way of earning livelihood, typical behaviour, or verbal expressions).
The study concerns provisional dwellings of poor village inhabitants, particularly a dwelling of a smallholder from Kostelec na Hané, which was continually inhabited for more than one hundred years. It was partly built under the road in the western part of the residential area. The entrance part of the basement that has for unknown reasons not been used for many years was modified. From the basement there is a system of tunnels under the town. Their use as a permanent dwelling was unique in central Moravia. The appearance of this house - its construction, space division, hearth, etc., is reconstructed in the study.
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This paper surveys a new approach to interpretation of Wittgenstein’s Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus - the resolute reading. The proponents of the resolute interpretation (especially Cora Diamond and James F. Conant) have argued that the central point of Tractatus is § 6.54. The reading of the section should be resolute, which means the sentences in Tractatus are simply nonsense (einfach Unsinn). Thus, the Tractatus’ aim is not a theory or doctrine of aspects of reality, language or their relation. On the other hand, the main point of the text should be elucidation of the reader’s points. The paper analyses two assumptions in the resolute reading and submits criticism of them. The basis of the criticism is to verify the validity of resolute reading’s assumptions by reference to Notebooks, Prototractatus, correspondence and some manuscripts and typescripts from the Tractatus period in Wittgenstein’s thinking., Příspěvek se zabývá novým přístupem k interpretaci Wittgensteinova Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus - rozhodného čtení. Zastáncové rozhodného výkladu (obzvláště Cora diamant a James F. Conant) argumentovali, že centrální bod Tractatus je § 6.54. Čtení sekce by mělo být rozhodné , což znamená, že věty v Tractatus jsou prostě nesmysly ( einfach Unsinn ). Tak, Tractatus ' cíl není teorie nebo doktrína aspektů reality, jazyka nebo jejich vztahu. Na druhé straně by hlavní bod textu měl být objasněnčtenářských bodů. Příspěvek analyzuje dva předpoklady v rozhodném čtení a kritizuje je. Základem kritiky je ověřit platnost předpokladů rozhodného čtení odkazem na Notebooky, Prototractatus , korespondenci a některé rukopisy a strojopisy z období Tractatus v Wittgensteinově myšlení., and Tomáš Došek
Social work as an institutionalized profession aims to promote and defend human rights and social justice regardless of gender, sexual orientation and other grounds. Rooted in Christianity, it is partly performed by religious organizations and religious people. Consequently, conservative values may orient the profession, thus conflicting with the rights of lesbians and gays. The aim of the article is to present the risks of social worker’s oppressive action toward same--sex parents, and to suggest possibilities how to avoid such ethical misconduct. First, we present a dilemma of social work arising from the tension between ethical principles of equality and non -discrimination on the one hand and conservative norms on the other hand. Then, we introduce individual oppressive tendencies which are manifested in the discourse “on homosexuality” in Czech social work and how these may transform into social worker’s oppressive action. Finally, we propose practical suggestions that can support anti -oppressive social work in the Czech Republic.
This study examines how South Africans construct and negotiate racial identities in written commentaries via a forum of the Mail@Guardian website Thought Leader in response to a blog by Ndumiso Ngcobo entitled “I’m a coconut and I am proud of it – say it with me.” Ngcobo’s ironic opinion piece, written in 2008, which plays with the label “coconut” (frequently employed in South Africa among “black” people in reference to another “black” person who seemingly behaves “white”), triggered 163 responses from individual readers. An essential point made by Ngcobo is that perceptions and attitudes around “whiteness” and “blackness,” or what can be considered “white” or “black” in racial terms, vary greatly, depending on circumstances and perspective. However, the author’s irreverent and ironic style is misunderstood and misinterpreted by many of the comment writers. Relying partially on the methodological framework of Critical Discourse Analysis, I analyze the commentary texts and interpret the categories people use in their discursive constructions of race and identity by examining their stylistic choices and content markers and focusing on sociolinguistic and cultural issues. It is argued that the analyzed comments are representative not only of the pervasiveness of “rigid” race thinking but also of how intra-racial boundaries are constructed in the post-apartheid state.
For the inhabitants of the town of Mysłowic acquires special importance the place called „Triangle of the Three Emperors“, where in the years 1845–1918 intersected the borders of three empires – Russia, Austria and Prussia. The threefold boundary represented for many decades the sphere of constant economic, cultural and social exchange and cultural and civilisational interpenetration. Thanks to the „triangle“ was Mysłowice known all over Europe as well as on other continents and attracted thousands of tourists. The surroundings of the „Triangle of the Three Emperors“ were endowed with excellent touristic and recreational infrastructure. Nowadays this legendary place is neglected and does not remind of its former importance. However, it is still being visited by groups of tourists and hosts occasional meetings and historical commemorations. Within the town there are numerous symbolic references to the „Triangle of the Three Emperors“. The municipal council recently devised a plan to transform the „Triangle“ into a showroom of the town and constituent part of its advertising campaign. The „Triangle of the Three Emperors“ instigates emotions and acquires a prominent place in the social memory of the inhabitants of Mysłowic, as it is part of the local historical tradition. On the background of the European history it acquires its historical importance and local relevance. Through its intimate relation to local history it evokes the images of the past glory of the town. The „Triangle of the Three Emperors“ surpasses in importance the remaining parts of the town and corroborates positively the social integrity of its inhabitants. Its symbolic importance can in a crucial way influence the processes of change and creation of social consciousness, responding to the unified vision of the future, and at the same time the creation of contemporary identity of the town, relieved from existing stigma of industrialization.
In East-Central Europe, Marxist humanism embodied one of the most promising theoretical developments of the 1960s. While respecting the unquestionable value of this intellectual current, this article highlights the contradiction between the emancipatory proclamations of humanist intellectuals and their reluctance to recognize certain prevalent forms of oppression. After comparing the humanist approach toward gender-structured themes in the former Czechoslovakia with the contrasting techno-optimist approach, the latter group is shown to have been more sensitive toward women’s issues. Th e article concludes that there was an intrinsic problem in Marxist humanist theory that contributed to this historical shortcoming in its emancipatory eff orts.