In the summer of 2016, black, disabled, and gay 14-year-old Jerika Bolen announced her decision to die. The public conversation surrounding Bolen’s decision, launched through a series of newspaper articles announcing a ‘last dance’ prom, offers a case-study through which to explore how pain frustrates an analysis of the biopolitical formations that shape both right-to-die discussions and decisions. In doing so, this article offers two interventions. It reveals how dominant views of pain and disability shape and limit how we make sense of Jerika’s life and death. It also highlights the analytical leverage that this critical approach offers by reading Bolen’s death as a form of what critical theorist Lauren Berlant calls ‘slow death’ or the gradual wearing out of populations. In this way, I extend conversations within critical theory that seek to trace the slower and more sustained impacts of structural oppression. In looking at the convergence of the biopolitics and necropolitics of disability, race, class, gender, and sexuality, I suggest Bolen’s death and the ‘last dance’ that launched an international public conversation about it function as a celebration of slow death facilitated, in part, by dominant views of pain and disability.
The article examines the Slovene “progressive” political parties,
treated as the interwar heirs to the 19th century national liberal traditions, and puts forward references to similar parties from the Czech political context. It demonstrates how the dominant position of political Catholicism within the Slovene political landscape also largely determined the ideological profile and political behavior of the main opposing camp. Pronounced “anti-clerical” orientation was thus essential for Slovene (post-)liberals, marking an important difference to their counterparts in the more secularized Czech context. On other hand the appeal to the national idea remained central for both the Slovene and the Czech interwar national liberal heirs. The specificities of progressives’ national politics are discussed in the second section, where it is indicated that the complexities of their Yugoslavist course, being based not
merely on pragmatic considerations, had mostly different underpinnings than the Czechoslovakist conceptions had in the Czech (post-)liberal politics. and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
The mobility of scientists that is the subject of this article is part of the broad scale of flows of people, objects, and knowledge in the contemporary world. These flows occur in multiple ways: from relocation and settlement in another country, to everyday pendulating mobility back and forth across boarders. In this article, the author is concerned with academic mobility and particularly mobility tied to long-term post-doctoral fellowships. She sets out to explore the gender dimension of long-term academic mobility and observe how scientists organise their professional and personal lives around movement between academic institutions. She argues that mobility at this stage of the academic trajectory involves the production of new (re)configurations of partnerships, while at the same time the fact of being in a partnership is constitutive for establishing an academic career., Alice Červinková., Téma: Feministická reflexe globalizace, Obsahuje bibliografii, and Anglické resumé
In this paper we explore the impact of the economic recession of 2008 on gender inequality in the labour force in Central and Eastern European countries. We argue that job and occupational segregation protected women’s employment more than men’s in the CEE region as well, but unlike in more developed capitalist economies, women’s level of labour force participation declined and their rates of poverty increased during the crisis years. We also explore gender differences in opinions on the impact of the recession on people’s job satisfaction. For our analysis we use published data from EUROSTAT and our own calculations from EU SILC and ESS 2010., Beáta Nagy, Éva Fodor., and Obsahuje seznam literatury