The Croatian society is still coping with traumatizing events (World War II and civil war) and memories of them. The politics of memory, articulated by Tudjman´s strategy of generational and memory reconciliation of the society in the early 1990s, led to the relativization and even promotion of the pro-fascist Ustashe regime, and simultaneously to the marginalization and stigmatization of narratives relating to the role of national liberation struggle within multi-ethnic partisan movement. This also included members of local Czech minority. The study shows how - despite this - the narratives concerning the partisan resistance are still alive in family memory, and they form, through generational transmission, a value alternative to the contemporary nationally-oriented state ideology as well as to the cultural presentation of Czech minority. Family memory works as an autonomous ”intimate space/area” of expatriates in Croatia, which is based on searching for a generational value continuities in the period of post-communist social uncertainties.
When the nationalities of the multiethnic Austrian Empire began to demand national self-determination "on their own territory“, they
started the struggle for the national "Besitzstand“. The great nations like the Magyars, Czechs, Poles and Croats claimed for their historical "Staatsrecht“. The Austrian governments answered with the concept of national autonomy in national homogeneous districts on the basis of the existing historical "Kreise“. Palacky on the Krensierer Reichstag, Stadion in the Reichsverfassung of 1849, Ernest von Körber in the context of his deliberations to solve the "Bohemian question“ presented concepts for realization. When the
governments of Stürgkh, Clam Martinic and Seidler/Hussarek declarated the "Kreisordnung“ for Bohemia, there was no chance for acceptance, because the question of the settlement of a Czechoslovak State was decided., Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou, and V křestním jméně pod názvem je chybně napsáno Helmt místo správného Helmut
The article examines the Slovene “progressive” political parties,
treated as the interwar heirs to the 19th century national liberal traditions, and puts forward references to similar parties from the Czech political context. It demonstrates how the dominant position of political Catholicism within the Slovene political landscape also largely determined the ideological profile and political behavior of the main opposing camp. Pronounced “anti-clerical” orientation was thus essential for Slovene (post-)liberals, marking an important difference to their counterparts in the more secularized Czech context. On other hand the appeal to the national idea remained central for both the Slovene and the Czech interwar national liberal heirs. The specificities of progressives’ national politics are discussed in the second section, where it is indicated that the complexities of their Yugoslavist course, being based not
merely on pragmatic considerations, had mostly different underpinnings than the Czechoslovakist conceptions had in the Czech (post-)liberal politics. and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
This article aims to investigate the viewpoint of the
Austro-German liberal movement - both ideologically and practically - towards the arguments for Bohemian state rights made by the conservative Bohemian Great Landowners and Czech political parties in the period from 1861 to 1879. The February Patent of 1861 is a convenient starting point because it reintroduced representative bodies to the Habsburg Monarchy and facilitatedthe development of modern democratic politics. The 1879 parliamentary election is this article’s end point since it constituted a significant turning point in Austrian and Bohemian politics. The Austro-German liberals lost the majority in central parliament while the conservative Bohemian Great Landowners and Czech parties attended parliament after a sixteen-year absence, joining the conservative-Slav coalition supporting the government.
The principal argument is that while the Austro-German liberals (particularly the Bohemian-German faction) were generally opposed to Bohemian state rights, this must be qualifi ed by the genuine desire for compromise (under certain conditions), considerable tactical fl exibility and the wider Imperial context. Chronologically, the article focuses on key parliamentary debates to
illustrate the changing relations: the fluid 1860s, the crucial period from 1867 to 1871 (when there was a real possibility of Bohemian state rights) through to the turning point of 1879. and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
The article provides a comparison of two monuments - one of
František Palacký in Prague and the second of Theodor Mommsen in Berlin. Both men were the key historians of their nations in the 19th century. Palacký has offered a master-narrative of Czech national past in his famous book The History of Czech Nation in Bohemia and Moravia and set the main structures of narrating Czech history for two centuries. Theodor Mommsen has become
a worldwide known historian due to his extraordinary History of Rome, for which he has obtained Nobel Price for Literature in 1903. Monuments of these historians were built at the beginning of the 20th century (Palacký’s in 1912, Mommsen’s in 1909). The paper focuses on structural similarities between the monuments, especially in the area of collective memory. Using the theory of
Maurice Halbwachs formulated just before World War II the essay points out that there is a fundamental connection between memory and space. The essay argues that there is no significant structural difference between Palacký’s and Mommsen’s monument in terms of shaping the collective memory. and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
Historical state rights are characteristics of a few empires. Legally,
they drew on the tradition of former estates’ orders and contained privileges of estates or a County with regard to the Emperor. In the second half of the 19th century, however, this legal argument gave way for interpretations that were genuinely political. Historiography has often interpreted this shift as an exclusively nationalist one. Taking the Austrian Bohemian Lands and Czech nationalism as an example, this paper shows how the more complex the discourse was, in which history was transformed into political claims. In the realm of the Habsburg Monarchy, state rights legitimized so
different ideas as feudal-estates’ orders, historic federalism or nation states. These political programs had conservative,
national-liberal and even democratic implications combined with integrationist or separationist policies. and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
This paper deals with the representation of national and ethnic identity categories in media texts during the Population and Housing Census 2011. Census is understood here as means of constructing collective identities not as clearly pre-defined categories but as socially and media shaped parts of an individual identity. The aim of this study is thus to analyze media representations of Population and Housing Census 2011 as an event that highlights the negotiation of collective identities and the processes of the so called “identitary mobilization”. Quantitative analysis of selected articles from national newspapers enriched by findings of qualitative analysis of comments and videos from the new media shows, among others, that the Census is often represented through a kind of media discourse called national in this paper and that the processes of identitary mobilization acquire specific forms during the Census, although probably not limited to its actual period., Jitka Zalabáková., and Obsahuje seznam literatury
The article attempts to define five phases in Hroch's studies on national movements since the 1960s till today as well as the dominant empirical, interpretational and methodical features of his contributions - as they are the internationally reflected. However, in some cases (the "phases A - B - C" of the national movement), this reflection is connected with decontextualization or misunderstandings of Hroch's concepts interpretations (e.g. the above mentioned phases A - B - C were not a result, but an introductory methodical tool of Hroch's comparative study, and they are often interpreted only "by touch"), but that changes nothing on their inspiring impact. On this background, the article poses the question of "productive desinterpretations" of concepts, which are in the historography (or generally cultural and social science) perhaps not an extraordinary phenomenon, and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
The article deals with the theoretical discussions of the second half of the 19th century and the early 20th century taking place within the Czech society and among its political leaders on introuduction of the universal suffrage and on the appropriate level of its equality and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou