Secularism and state policies toward religion represent one of the most important issues in Turkey aver since the establishment of the republic in 1923. This contribution briefly summarizes the interpretation of secularism a la turca under the Kemalist leadership and highlights the significant changes that have happened in this area under the AKP government of Prime Minister Recep Tayip Endogan after 2002. The AKP's attempts to introduce Islam-based morality into public space waswelcomed by various religious communities while diminished pressure from the state authorities allowed religiously oriented Turkish movements to act more freely. With the AKP's consolidation of power, the Hizmet movement of Fethullah Gülen finally forged a closer alliance with Ergodan's government and so became an important source of political and economic support both in Turkey and abroad. THe article also shows that the "moderate" secularism as experienced under the current government relaxed the pressure on vocational schools for imams and preachers and transformed the understanding of the state Sunni-Muslim "Church" organization (Diyanet) in the eyes of former hard-line Islamists. Secular circles, however, reject these developments and new trends as signs of continuous Islamization., Gabriel Pirický., and Obsahuje bibliografii
The "Occupy Gezi" protest movement which swept through Istambul and many other Turkish cities in the summer of 2013 started as an ecological protest to save one of the last green areas of Istanbul. After a brutal police crackdown on protesters and the Prime Minister's unbending stance, the protests spread to the rest of the country in support of the young people who were rebelling against the AKP's increasingly authoritarian style of rule and against the gradual Islamization of Turkish politics and society. This article focuses on the creativity of protesters who, through their use of social media such as Twitter, showed that revolutions need not be about throuwing stones and Molotov coctails, but can instead be about playing with words and undermining the ruling elite's insulting remarks with sarcasm and wit. This postmodern revolution took place in a public space which resembled an art scene where singers artists, students and others joined to create a carneval of civic disobedience based on passive resistence, solidarity and humor., Gabriela Özel Volfová., and Obsahuje bibliografii
The article traces the role and image of the wood and the tree in the culture of Ancient China as emerging from the transmitted literature of the Warring States period. Although this topic has already been touched upon in some previous studies, such as Mark Elvin's The Retreat of the Elephants, no comprehensive description based on at least nearly exhaustive systematization of respective data available to us in primary sources has been presented yet, especially for trees. In this paper, virtually all recorded modes of approaching the phenomena by the learned men of the Warring States are summarized and supplied with extensive reference to ancient texts. Apart from other issues, it clearly demonstrates that the skeptical stance to ancient Chinese love for nature and to the ecological ethos of traditional Chinese culture is highly justified., Lukáš Zádrapa., and Obsahuje bibliografii
Jedním z hlavních rysů období politické roztříštěnosti, do níž Čínu uvrhl pád dynastie Han roku 220 n. l., byla vzrůstající tendence nomádských etnik zasahovat do záležitostí nástupnických dynastií, jež vyvrcholila ve 4. a 5. století založšením zhruba dvou desítek nehanských státních útvarů na bývalém území říše. Spletité a často nepřehledné dějiny tohoto období jsou v mnoha ohledech svědectvím konfrontace dvou zcela odlišných civilizačních okruhů, odrážejí však i jejich vzájemné ovlivňování. Proměnlivá zahraničněpolitická situace, nezvyklá pro obě strany, kladla velké národy na schopnost přizpůsobit se nových poměrům. A tato potřeba se nevyhnula ani tradičním institucionálním pilířům čínského státu. Příkladem může být systém titulární šlechty a udělování šlechtických titulů kmenovým vládcům nehanských etnických skupin dlouhodobě usazených na území říše. Ačkoli se tato praxe na první pohled zdá být v souladu se zavedeným systémem, charakter i okolnosti udělení těchto titulů se v mnohém liší od šlechtických hodností udělovaných zasloužilým poddaným říše a jsou výrazem specifických potřeb dvora uzavřít strategické spojenectví či získat symbolický kapitál stvrzující jeho legitimitu. Tento článek si klade za cíl objasnit na příkladu dynastie Jin (226-420) praktické a vysoce symbolické využití systému udělování šlechtických hodností jakožto užitečného nástroje diplomacie a zahraniční politiky, který odráží proměny postojů a strategií dvora vůči nomádům ohrožujícím jeho zájmy., The collapse of the central authority after the fall of the Han Dynasty inevitably led to profound transformation of many imperial institutions. The unstable political situation demanded a flexible handing of the traditional systems as well as an ability to redefine crucial institutional concepts relating to imperial authority in order to find new or additional sources of political legitimacy. One of these newly defined institutions was the system of titled nobility. With the growing importance of non-Han ethnic groups, whose military capabilities might make them both valuable allies as well as potentially formidable foes, the court tried hard to win their support through the bestowal of high noble dignities on their leaders. To a certain degree, these bestowals followed well-established Han practice, yet the whole system was much more institutionalized as a means of integrating potentially hostile forces into the realm ruled over by the imperial authority. The article focuses on the Jin Dynasty (266-420 A.D.) and documents the utility and flexibility of the practice, stressing the symbolic meaning of the bestowals as a useful means of diplomacy and legitimitazion, thus mirroring the immediate strategic needs of the court in its power struggle with rival nomadic regimes., Jakub Hrubý., and Obsahuje bibliografii
Stále větší množství nově nalezených rukopisů z doby Válčicích států (Zhànguó, 453-221 př. n. l.) významným způsobem ovlivňuje naše poznání společenského, politického i intelektuálního života této doby. Tyto bezprecedentní prameny otevírají v kapitole nejstarších čínských dějin množství nových otázek, zároveň ale vrhají nové světlo na některé v minulosti hojně diskutované problémy. Článek představuje nově nalezený rukopis dějepisné povahy Xìnián, který neocenitelným způsobem poupravuje naše chápání některých významných událostí z doby vlády dynastie Zhöu (asi 1046-256 př. n. l.), a předkládá překlad a analýzu prvních čtyř kapitol rukopisu, vztahujících se k významným událostem z doby Západní Zhöu (asi 1046-771 př. n. l.), This article introduces the recently discovered Warring States period Xìnián manuscrpit. Following a brief summary of the most recently discovered manuscripts from the Warring States period, and a short introduction to the collection of bamboo slips acquired by Tsinghua University, the article discusses the nature of this unprecedented text, and provides a Czech translation of its first four chapters, which are mainly concerčned with events from the Western Zhöu period. The significance of the contents of these chapters for the study of early Chinese history is further exemplified in a detailed discussion following the translation, highlighting in particular the records on the migration of the progenitors of the Qín ruling house from east to west, the move of the Wèi capital from Kängqiü to Wèi-on-Qí, the regency of Gòngbó Hé and, most importantly, the process of relocating the Zhöu capital to the east. The identification of Qifäng, prince of Wèi, as the marquis Wén of Wèi is also discussed at some length., Ondřej Škrabal., and Obsahuje bibliografii
Mawlid al-nabi (the Prophet Muhammad's birthday) is commonly celebrated event in the contemporary Muslim world. This non-canonical holiday has undergone an evolution from modest family observations - documented, for the first time, in the context of the 10th century - to large public festivals known from the late medieval period. This paper argues that the turning point in the history of the holiday were celebrations of mawlid al-nabi in Arbil during the reign of Muzaffar al-Din Gökburi at the beginning of the 13th century. The argument is supported by analysis of two legal opinions on the origin of the holiday from the 13th (Abu Shama) and the 15th century (Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti)., Miroslav Melčák., and Obsahuje bibliografii