The Czech ''Silesian identity'', obvious throughout the twentieth century, was based on a mixture of strong regional, even local, patriotism, which was determined by historical developments. This patriotism developed on the ethnically mixed territory of Czech Silesia (formerly Austrian Silesia). After the Second World War, this phenomenon was quickly revived, but unlike in the pre-war period, it took a clearly Czech national form. The territorial factor, by contrast, receded into the background. Behind this activity and new interpretation stood intellectual circles and institutions in Opava, some leading fi gures from Ostrava, and the Silesian Cultural Institute in Prague. In addition to cultural-educational activity, their efforts were concentratedon claiming some border areas of Polish and German Silesia as being historically Czech, and also on ensuring the distinctive administrative status of the territory of Silesia in Czechoslovakia, the seed of which they saw in the Ostrava branch of the Moravian National Committee (Zemský národní výbor) in Brno. During the Communist regime, according to the authors, the top state authorities showed an intentional lack of interest in the problems of Silesia when solving related economic and other questions. A consequence of this was a ''silencing of the offi cial sources'' about Silesia. In the 1950s, the ''Silesian-ness'' was condemned as a form of ''bourgeois nationalism'' and was identifi ed with the period of Czech-Polish national friction in the region. From the administrative point of view, Silesia was dissolved in the Ostrava area, later in the North Moravian Region, and was recalled practically only by artistic expressions of an ''Old Silesian-ness'', such as folklore and museum exhibitions. Silesian organizations and societies were, with few exceptions, dissolved or renamed and the newly established Silesian Research Institute in Opava had to orient its historical research chiefl y to the labour movement. The works of the poet Petr Bezruč (born Vladimír Vašek, 1867-1958) and his collection of verses, Slezské písně (Silesian Songs), presented a problem because of their questionable depiction of Silesian identity, and the publication of the complete collection led to disputes in cultural policy. The Ostrava-based arts and politics periodical Červený květ (Red Flower), which repeatedly included debates about regionalism, began to be published in the mid-1950s. At the end of the decade, however, the Communist Party launched a campaign against parochialism (lokálpatriotismus), which was refl ected also in the condemnation of publications seeking to exonerate the poems and ideas of Óndra Łysohorsky (born Ervín Goj, 1905-1989), who during the war promoted the theory of a ''Lach nation.'' In the 1960s, the local authorities and fi gures of Opava again began to emphasize the role of their town as a regional centre. During the Prague Spring of 1968, there were calls for the restoration of Silesian self-government, but that remained more or less limited to the Opava region, and consequently some ''Silesian'' cultural initiatives from this period were of greater importance.
Podle recenzenta se volby v Československu do zastupitelských orgánů v době od potlačení pražského jara 1968 do demokratické revoluce 1989 na první pohled jeví jako formální rituál, avšak autor ve své důkladně empiricky založené práci ukázal, že plnily řadu důležitých funkcí, byť jiných než v demokratickém státě. Zachytil společné rysy i odlišnosti jednotlivých volebních aktů, odehrávajících se v pětiletých cyklech, a prozkoumal související aktivity bezpečnostních složek. V rámci výkladu o volbách přitom popsal důležité aspekty fungování komunistického režimu, všímal si různých forem odporu proti němu a vylíčil také příběhy obyčejných lidí, které se nějakým způsobem vázaly k volbám. Sedmdesátá a osmdesátá léta představil ve své knize z nového úhlu a nemálo přispěl k jejich lepšímu poznání., According to the reviewer, the elections to representative bodies in Czechoslovakia between the suppressionof the Prague Spring in 1968 and the democratic revolution in 1989 may at first sight seem to be a formal ritual. However, the author´s empirically well-founded work "All Communists to the polls!" Elections in Czechoslovakia in 1971-1989 as a phenomenon of society, politics and state security demonstrates that they had a number of important functions, albeit different from those in a democratic state. The author captured common features and differences of different election acts taking place in five-years cycles, and examined related activities of security forces and elements. In his account of the elections, he described impotant aspects of the operation of the Communist regime, noticed different forms of the opposition against it, and also mentioned stories of ordinary people which were somehow related to the elections. He presented the 1970s and 1980s from a different angle, making a substantial contribution to better knowledge of the period., [autor recenze] Petr Anev., and Obsahuje bibliografii a bibliografické odkazy