Drawing on literary paratexts such as prologues, reviews and letters, this study seeks answers to the question of Meissner’s role in the German-language canon, or rather why his literary legacy has endured for so long. First, Meissner’s personal contacts in the world of literature from a social-historical perspective is considered. This reveals that the repeated criticism of Meissner’s texts, which despite their popularity were to a large extent at odds with the taste of the time, cast him in a bad light. Selected relevant texts will be placed in their discursive context and Meissner’s writings within the parameters of 18th century literary practice examined., Sarah Seidel., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
The first Noble Colleges were founded in the 17th and 18th centuries by Jesuits and Piarists as an extension of existing secondary schools with the aim of providing education for the sons of impoverished gentlefolk. In the context of the Counter-Reformation these institutions placed especial emphasis on religious education and the formation of moral and ethical values in their pupils. They were intended chiefly for Catholics of noble birth and Catholic converts who would otherwise have received no education because their parents could not afford it or had died young. After the accession of Marie Theresa and the introduction of new legislation (Articles 74/1715 and 70/1723), the state took charge of these establishments, and with them their scholars, their welfare and their upbringing. Religious education and rote-learning of a narrow curriculum was now supplemented by foreign languages (German, Hungarian and French) and other subjects (calligraphy, arithmetic and geography). In the latter half of the 18th century the Viennese court set up a number of noble academies, including several in Hungary where young Hungarian noblemen could acquire an education commensurate with their social standing. Under Marie Theresa’s system of royal scholarships many poor students from the middle and lower nobility were able to receive an education. During her reign scholarship places in the academies and noble colleges became an instrument of social policy used by senior civil servants as rewards for services rendered, thus ensuring a new generation of public officials indebted and loyal to the Viennese Court., Ingrid Kušniráková., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
This article presents Christian Kyrill Schneider OFM, a significant yet not widely known Franciscan missionary who lived in the second half of the 18th century and worked in Egypt and surrounding Middle East Area. His autography that is only available as a manuscript and has never been presented before is fully described here. An excerpt of one chapter offers an insight into a catching egodocument from the beginning of the 19th century. This study is set in the context of Franciscan missions with an important focus on the activity of brothers from the Czech lands in the Middle East. The introductory chapter summarizes basic bibliography of history of Franciscan missionaries and their writings., Kateřina Holanová., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
a1_The pastoral opera L’Amor non ha legge (premiered in Jaroměřice, 1728) was composed by the vicekapellmeister Antonio Caldara, based on libretto by Domenico Bonlini. It is the first attested dramatic musical composition written at the direct order of Count Johann Adam Questenberg (1678-1752), a connoisseur of music, skilled lute player, an occasional composer, and - above all - a passionate promoter of the Italian opera seria. The present article concerns with the generic examination of the plot of opera seria, with regard to its superior genre, favola pastorale. In L’Amor non ha legge, living in harmony with the Nature gains general appraisal, the Idyllic merry-making in the countryside being sharply contrasted with life in the city and at the (imperial) court. As a result, the main character, young aristocrat, having become enamoured with a shepherdess, leaves for the country where he is allowed to repose and forget the hustle and bustle of the city, as well as its corruptness. These characteristics seem to be fitting the personality of Count Questenberg himself, who sought a refuge from the city to his castle of Jaroměřice, set in the rural region of Southern Moravia. As Bonlini states in his introductory argomento, the aim of the opera is, primarily, to celebrate simple, undemanding Love. Not coincidentally, both meanings of the word ’Amor’ are made use of in the libretto; the abstract ’Love’, as well as the personified name of the God of Love - Amor. Love verses and lovely affections are abundant in the language and the plot of the opera; what Bonlini is most concerned with, especially in the arias, is to depict as many aspects of Love, hence the affects, as possible: constant love, love suffering, requited love, noble love, miserable love, vain love, martyred love, jealous love, despising love, even paternal love., a2_The message of the opera L’Amor non ha legge, therefore, is the imperative of symbiosis between Man and the Laws of Nature; the Law of Love, superior even to the obstacles of social inequality, should - according to Bonlini - always be in accordance with the Reason. Favorizing the pastoral environment over the court and city, in particular, can be read as a laud of the castle of Jaroměřice, which the Count was justly proud of, and which he identified with considerably., Jana Perutková., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
The aim of the present study is to trace an interpretation of Rousseau’s novel Julie ou la Nouvelle Heloise on the basis of the difference between love and friendship. Starting with a brief reminder of Paul de Man’s interpretation of this novel in Allegories of Reading, the author turns to Jacques Derrida and borrows a key neologism from his book The Politics of Friendship: aimance or lovence, an affective modality which blurs and transcends the duality of love and friendship. On this basis, the author presents a few remarks concerning the literary form of the novel, the configuration of its characters and finally the place of Rousseau’s Julie in the context of his other works. Rather than being an isolated literary work, Julie seems to be an attempt to answer certain questions concerning the relation between individual and society from a different angle than that chosen in The Social Contract., Etienne Balibar ; překlad Josef Fulka., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
The second half of the 18th century marked an extraordinary flowering of music, especially church music in the Czech lands. Monastic churches, in particular, were characterised by a high level of music production performed by choral scholars whose liturgical music was conducted by chosen monks. Some members of religious orders also composed. These were for example M. J. Haberhauer (1746-1799), a member of the Benedictine order situated in Rajhrad near Brno and P. J. Marek (1748-1806) who belonged to the Augustinian monastery in Brno. Both of them got a musical education as choral scholars and remained musically active also after entering orders. Eventually these two authors both performed as chorregents in the 70’s and early 80’s of the 18th century and they collected sacred and secular pieces of music of their more famous and popular contemporaries (C. Ditters, F. X. Brixi, Haydn, etc.). Apart from a few exceptions they were only composing liturgical works. Haberhauer bequeathed 90 compositions, most of whom composed of Mass for choir and solo accompanied with instrumental ensemble as well as vespers and motets. Marek, however, composed only 21 church compositions and most of them consist of Marian antiphons and litanies of Loreto. These were necessary at the Augustinians, given the honor rendered to the picture of Virgin Mary placed in their church. The two monasteries ran a mutual cooperation which can be proved by Haberhauer music collection preserved at Augustinians in Brno. Haberhauer work can be also found in the collections of other Moravian churches and also at Prague Benedictine order. While Marek’s compositions were exclusively connected to the Augustinian monastery in Brno. Their pieces of music are purely purposeful showing features of a musical classicism. Lives and works of both composers are now the subject of research of the author and of Pavel Žůrek from the Ins, Irena Veselá., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
The aim of this study is to show how the emotions - in particular the so-called "passions of the soul" - were understood and interpreted in the medical thinking of the late Enlightenment. We focus chiefly on three innovations in 18th century medicine: the "discovery" of the neuro-cerebral system (the ’birth’ of neurology); the search for the "seat" of illnesses in particular organs (the "birth" of pathological anatomy); and the gradual separation of the body and the soul as objects of medical enquiry (the "birth of psychiatry). We consider whether, and to what extent, these innovations contributed to the breakdown of the "old" diagnostic paradigms of the "passions of the soul", or whether in fact they helped to maintain them. We also discuss to what extent the consideration of these passions fostered a new approach to the relationship between the body and the soul in Enlightenment medicine. Some of the phenomena studied are illustrated by specific examples of (erotic) love and melancholy. and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
The aim of this paper is to point out that the growing need for well‐educated citizens in the increasingly bureaucratized 18th Century, in itself a wellknown phenomenon, should be seen in a wider context. First, we must consider how it relates to the gradual emergence of the modern European nationstate; and secondly, to the cultural and political consequences of social stratification. In nations with a cohesive social structure and, in some cases, a tradition of statehood, the growing numbers and importance of the new intelligentsia were primarily the result of an expansion of existing elites drawing on their own social class. In emerging nations formed largely through nationalist movements, on the other hand, the process was accompanied by the upward mobility of young men from the middle and lower middle classes. In some nations, such as the Czechs and the Finns, these were often the sons of petit bourgeois and artisan families; but in the majority of cases the emergent national intelligentsia found its recruits chiefly among farmers and the rural population as a whole (Lithuania, Estonia). Understandably, this distinction led to differences in the formation of national stereotypes, political cultures and attitudes to social organization. The use of the term "plebeian intelligentsia" in this context is meant as a typological characteristic rather than a pejorative label., Miroslav Hroch., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
This study examines the taxation policy of Maria Theresa as evidenced by the situation in Bohemia. A fundamental measure that opened the way for subsequent developments was the passing of the ten-year compact (or "Rezess", as it was known), by the Bohemian parliament in 1748. This law guaranteed a fixed total tax contribution (5,488,155 gulders, 58 crowns) in return for a guarantee that the empress would not demand extra levies, even in the event of war. With the outbreak of the Seven Years’ War, however, the situation changed and in 1756 demands were made for exceptional taxes, military recruits, loans to the state budget, etc. Meanwhile the guarantee of a fixed total tax under the ten-year compact continued to apply. The Treaty of Hubertusburg (1763) brought no relief, as Maria Theresa asked parliament to approve not only an extension of the compact for the following military year, but new exceptional taxes and the reimposition of certain existing indirect taxes. These obligations, together with an increased tax burden in rural communities, remained in place until 1775, when a new ten-year compact was negotiated that lasted until 1789., Jan Lhoták., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
Under Maria Theresa, the provincial courts in Moravia continued to operate along the lines set out in the judicial reforms of 1620-1650. Although the reform efforts of the Theresian system had little direct effect on them, the character of these courts did gradually change. By the early 1740s they were inundated with a backlog of unresolved cases that rendered them slow and unwieldy. Following the cancellation of inactive disputes, however, the number of open cases started to drop rapidly, and by the 1760s the provincial court was accepting an absolute minimum of new lawsuits. This was due less to any restrictions imposed by the state than to a lack of interest among the nobility in pursuing claims in the court. The provincial court continued to sit twice a year, but the reduction in the number of cases meant that the number of sessions in each judicial period also fell considerably. The nearly fifty cases heard by the provincial court in the reign of Maria Theresa were, however, similar in scope to those we are familiar with from the preceding period - property-related lawsuits among the nobility, disputes between monasteries and towns, criminal cases and claims by subject communities against their own landlords. Significant changes can also be discerned in the makeup of the courts, with judges being appointed on the basis of their legal training rather than their social standing or other "merits" and, generally, a far closer correspondence to other types of Theresian court, particularly the royal tribunal. There thus ceased to be a meaningful distinction between the royal and provincial judicial systems in the Theresian period., Jiří David., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy