Článek je zkrácenou verzí studie, kterou autor publikoval pod názvem „‘No Action’: Die USA und die Invasion in die Tschechoslowakei“ ve sborníku: Karner, Stefan – Tomilina, Natalja – Tschubarjan, Alexander – Bischof, Günter – Iščenko, Viktor – Prozumenščikov, Michail – Ruggenthaler, Peter – Tůma, Oldřich – Wilke, Manfred (ed.): Prager Frühling: Das internationale Krisenjahr 1968, sv. 1: Beiträge. Köln/R. – Weimar – Wien, Böhlau 2008, s. 319-354. Autor rekonstruuje postoj americké vlády k intervenci vojsk Vašavské smlouvy do Československa v srpnu 1968. Připomíná, že v květnu toho roku náměstek ministra zahraničí Eugene W. Rostow – s odvoláním na průběh a vyústění komunistického převratu v Československu a sovětské intervence v Maďarsku na podzim 1956 – doporučoval svému ministrovi Deanu Ruskovi Moskvu jasně jasně varovat Moskvu před násilným zásahem. Rusk doporučení odmítl dvěma slovy: „No Action.“ Tento lakonický komentář podle autora vystihuje celou americkou reakci na československou krizi. Administrativa prezidenta Lyndona B. Johnsona invazi nepředpokládala a byla jí překvapena. Jednoznačně se shodla na tom, že Spojené státy nemohou do situace vojensky zasáhnout, a soustředila se na odvrácení Sovětů od případného rozšíření intervence na Rumunsko, Jugoslávii a snad i Rakousko, které však bylo spíše psychologickou než reálnou hrozbou. Kromě toho musel Bílý dům čelit podezření, vyjadřovanému značnou částí západního tisku, ale třeba i francouzskými oficiálními kruhy, že dal předem Kremlu volnou ruku k vojenské akci. Prioritním cílem americké politiky bylo tehdy pokračování v procesu uvolňování mezinárodního napětí, což se promítlo do jejich nekonfrontačního postoje vůči Sovětům. Ovšem neočekávanými důsledky intervence bylo podle autora posílení soudržnosti Severoatlantické aliance a přehodnocení plánů na stažení amerických vojsk z Evropy. and This article is an abridged version, in Czech translation, of the article ‘“No Action”: Die USA und die Invasion in die Tschechoslowakei’, from the volume of essays by Stefan Karner, Natalja Tomilina, Alexander Tschubarjan, Günter Bischof, Viktor Iščenko, Michail Prozumenščikov, Peter Ruggenthaler, Oldřich Tůma, and Manfred Wilke, Prager Frühling: Das internationale Krisenjahr 1968, vol. 1, Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau, 2008, pp. 319–54. In the article the author reconstructs the US Administration’s response to the Warsaw Pact military intervention in Czechoslovakia in August 1968. He points out that in May of that year Deputy Secretary of State Eugene V. Rostow, referring to the Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia and the Soviet intervention in Hungary in 1956, recommended to his superior, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, to give Moscow a clear warning against intervening by force. Rusk rejected the recommendation with two words: ‘No action’. This laconic statement, according to the author, embodies the whole US reaction to the Czechoslovak crisis. The military intervention none the less took the Johnson Administration by surprise. The Administration unanimously agreed that the United States could not get involved in the crisis militarily, and concentrated instead on deterring the Soviets from further possible interventions in Romania, Yugoslavia, and perhaps even Austria, a threat that was, however, probably more psychological than real. Apart from that, the White House had to face the suspicion, expressed by a considerable part of the Western communications media and also, for example, by French official circles, that it had given the Kremlin the green light for the military operation. The primary aim of US policy here was to continue the process of international détente. This was projected into their non-confrontational approach towards the Soviets. Two unexpected consequences of the intervention, argues the author, were increased unity in the North-Atlantic Alliance and a reconsideration of plans to withdraw US troops from Europe.
This paper uses a corpus of 14 hours of recorded interactions to analyze the “normative” and “strategic” honorifics usage of speakers of Korean as a second language. I define “normative” honorifics as usage that reflects recognized “power”, “distance” and “formality” factors. “Strategic” honorifics usage breaks from these norms, is pragmatically “marked” and is motivated by interactional goals. Previous studies into the honorifics usage of speakers of Korean as a second language focus on analysis of “errors” judged against prescriptive norms. However, the current paper adopts an interactional socio-pragmatic perspective and looks at the ideology and specific intentions that underlie second language usage. According to my data, in comparison with native interaction, second language speaker discourse displays less variation according to normative factors but may show more marked strategic alterations. Regarding normative usage, speakers prefer to establish equal relationships and minimize “power” differences. As for strategic use, speakers may alternate honorific levels according to the sensitivity of the situation or the illocutionary force of particular utterances. I explain these differences with reference to conflicting ideologies as to language usage between Korean and “Western” cultures, prevalent during the interview process. I conclude the paper by discussing the implications for Korean applied linguistics.
Historically, the main focus of the study of housing in advanced economies has been on houses that meet the accommodation needs of households: houses as the main residence of families. In recent decades there has been the growth in the numbers of houses used for purposes other than as a main residence, for example in the forms of the recent global spread of Airbnb and of foreign engagement in housing as an investment tool; alongside a set of ‘for housing’ houses (FHH) another, overlapping, set of ‘not for housing’ houses (NFHH) is emerging. The present paper begins by identifying four types of NFHH, and considers the significance of their growth. It argues that while the NFHH sector is relatively small it has large impacts, and these are such that they challenge housing researchers and policy makers to develop additional ways of looking at housing systems.
Lutz Klinkhammer Tato stať, kterou v časopise Soudobé dějiny pokračuje seriál o vývoji a dnešním stavu disciplíny soudobých dějin ve vybraných evropských zemích, původně vyšla pod názvem „Novecento statt Storia contemporanea: Überlegungen zur italienischen Zeitgeschichte“ a je převzata ze sborníku editorů Alexandra Nützenadela a Wolfganga Schiedera Zeitgeschichte als Problem: Nationale Traditionen und Perspektiven der Forschung in Europa (Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2004, s. 107–127). Autor uvádí, že pojem „soudobé dějiny“ pro označení vyhraněné disciplíny historického bádání, jako je tomu v Německu nebo ve Francii, nemá v Itálii zřetelnou obdobu. Termín storia contemporanea zde měl po roce 1945 trojí význam. Jednak se užíval jako pojmenování dějinného úseku zhruba posledních dvou století, dále pro časově kratší období „krátkého 20. století“ (novecento) a konečně sloužil k charakteristice jakékoli historické události v jejím „soudobém“ rozměru, tedy její instrumentalizace podle aktuálních (politických či jiných) potřeb. Tyto významy autor ilustruje jednak na příkladech přehledů a učebnic italských dějin, jednak na aktuálních sporech o historické činy papežů a katolické církve, o světla a stíny italského národního sjednocení v šedesátých letech 19. století a údajnou levicovou ideologizaci poválečného italského dějepisectví. V něm se zrodil „mýtus rezistence“ proti německé okupaci z let 1943 až 1945, jehož rubem byla marginalizace, či dokonce tabuizace italského fašismu, a který odpovídal zájmům širokospektrální protifašistické koalice politických sil v Itálii. S hlubším výzkumem italského fašismu se začalo až v šedesátých letech. Od devadesátých let pak podle autora trvají ostré spory o hodnocení odboje (včetně komunistických zločinů) a fašistické republiky ze Salò, v nichž je patrná snaha o „plíživou rehabilitaci“ fašistické minulosti a které by svědčily pro tezi, že italské soudobé dějiny ve vlastním smyslu začínají rokem 1943. and This article, which is one of a series in Soudobé dějiny on the development of the discipline of contemporary history and its current state in selected countries of Europe, was originally published as “Novecento statt Storia contemporanea? Überlegungen zur italienischen Zeitgeschichte” in Alexander Nützenadel and Wolfgang Schieder (eds), Zeitgeschichte als Problem: Nationale Traditionen und Perspektiven der Forschung in Europa (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004, pp. 107–27). The author argues that in Italy, unlike Germany or France, there is no distinct term for “contemporary history” to denote this clearly defined discipline of historical research. The term storia contemporanea had three meanings since 1945. First, it was used to denote an historical period of roughly the last two centuries. Second, it meant only the “short” twentieth century (il novecento). Last, the term served to denote any historical event in its “contemporary” dimension, that is to say, its instrumentalization according to current needs, political or otherwise. The author illustrates these meanings by providing examples from surveys and textbooks of Italian history and from current debates on the historical actions of the popes and the Roman Catholic Church, the bright and dark sides of Italian unifi cation in the 1860s, and the alleged left-wing ideologization of post-war Italian historiography. In this historiography was born the “myth of resistance” to the German occupation of 1943–45, the other side of which was the marginalization of Italian Fascism or even its being made taboo. This corresponded to the interests of the broad anti-Fascist political coalition in Italy. More penetrating research into Italian Fascism did not begin to appear till the 1960s. Since the 1990s, according to the author, there have been fierce disagreements in assessments of the resistance (including Communist crimes) and the Nazi-puppet state known as the Salò Republic, in which there has been an evident endeavour to achieve the “creeping rehabilitation” of the Fascist past, which would speak in support of the argument that Italian contemporary history really begins in 1943.
The cuticular structure of juveniles of several oribatids of different families with wrinkled cuticles were compared: Hermannia gibba, Tectocepheus velatus, Scutovertex minutus, Achipteria coleoptrata and Eupelops occultus. Both the surface and internal structures of the "plissée" were studied. Light microscopy revealed several patterns in mites studied with Masson's triple stain and these results were supported by TEM. Although the "plissée" looks similar at the body surface, the structure and ultrastructure differ among groups. Some types of wrinkling is supported by small muscles, probably for changing body shape. Differences in the structure of the cuticle of the prosoma and opisthosoma were observed. The differences in the wrinkling in the cuticle in diferent lines is associated with change in the body shape in response to different moisture conditions.