Social policy in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, from mid-March 1939 to early May 1945, is a key topic in contemporary research on the history of this brief period. The article is concerned with the possible approaches to research with regard to the latest trends in research on National Socialism. It begins with an outline of the historiography of social policy in the Protectorate, which is marked chiefl y by a predominant uniformity of argumentation, a lack of systematic approach to interpretation, and Czech and Czechoslovak historians’ limiting themselves to the ethnically Czech population. Research conducted so far has completely failed to put social policy into the context of social history. The author thus fi rst provides an outline of the social framework, which represents the concept of a Volksgemeinschaft (national/ethnic/racial community), in which ideas about the purpose and function of social policy were formed and implemented. In the next part, she focuses on the defi nition of the term ''social policy'' as understood by Nazi theorists after 1933. In the last part of the article, she seeks to defi ne the new social relations in the CzechGerman environment of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, and suggests possibilities of its analysis in the area of the implementation of social policy. She believes that it will be fruitful to study the implementation of the relevant criteria in the Reich and the Protectorate at the level of discussions among experts, and to research social policy in practice. The author sees the most important aspects of the implementation of social policy as residing in the various motivations of the regime when implementing social policy in relation to different parts of the population, ranging from social exclusion to forms of social protectionism.
Studie zkoumá reprezentaci korejské války jakožto zásadní události v tištěných médiích a literatuře československého stalinismu v letech 1950 až 1952. Zaměřuje se na specifika mechanismu produkování obrazu „nepřítele“ a „nepřátelského“ prostoru, analyzuje i vzájemnou interakci dobové publicistiky a poezie. Rozebírá klíčové fenomény, které tvoří pilíř dobového obrazu korejské války (figura vůdce, mytologie původu „nepřítele“) a usouvztažňuje je s obecnějšími mechanismy vytváření skutečnosti v první polovině padesátých let dvacátého století. Poukazuje přitom na vzájemné propojení a ovlivňování vyhrocené propagandistické rétoriky a básnické obraznosti. Studie materiálově čerpá z básnických sbírek, které obsahují verše reagující na válku v Koreji, z příležitostných básní, publicistických článků a karikatur publikovaných především na stránkách deníku Rudé právo a týdeníku Tvorba. Metodologicky navazuje na výzkumy ideologie jako systému reprezentace reálných podmínek existence (Louis Althusser, Slavoj Žižek) a na sémiotické analýzy kultury a společnosti období stalinismu (Vladimír Macura), které poukazují na velmi aktivní a produktivní vztah literatury a moci, jenž tvoří samotnou podstatu socialistického realismu jako systému (Katerina Clarková, Jevgenij Dobrenko)., This article explores the representation of the Korean War as a fundamental event in the print media and belles-lettres of Stalinist Czechoslovakia from 1950 to 1952. It focuses on the special features of the mechanism of producing the image of the ‘enemy’ and the ‘hostile’ space, as well as analysing the interaction of period journalism and poetry. The author analyses the central phenomena, which created a cornerstone of the contemporaneous image of the Korean War (the figure of the leader and the mythology of the origin of the ‘enemy’), and correlates them with more general mechanisms of creating reality in the first half of the 1950s. He also points out the interlinkage and mutual influences of the pointed propagandistic rhetoric and poetic imagery. The article draws on collections of verse, which contain poems reacting to the war in Korea, and on occasional poems, journalism, and caricatures published mainly in the daily Rudé právo and the weekly Tvorba. In method, the article is in the tradition of research on ideology as a system of representing the real conditions of existence (as in the work of Louis Althusser and Slavoj Žižek) and the tradition of semiotic analysis of culture and society in the Stalinist period (as in the work of Vladimír Macura), identifying the very active, productive relationship between literature and the powers that be, which creates the very essence of socialist realism as a system (as discussed by Katerina Clark and Evgeny Dobrenko)., Vít Schmarc., and Obsahuje bibliografii
As has often been observed in the literature, an utterance of a generic such as ‘Boys don’t cry’ can convey a normative behavioral rule that applies to boys, roughly: that boys shouldn’t cry. This observation has led many authors to the claim that generics are ambiguous: they allow both for a descriptive as well as a normative reading. The present paper argues against this common assumption: it argues that the observation in question should be addressed at the level of pragmatics, rather than at the level of semantics. In particular, the paper argues that the normative force of utterances of generics results from the presence of a conversational implicature. This result should somewhat alleviate the task of finding a proper semantic analysis of generics since it shows that at least one of their intriguing features need not be reflected in their truth-conditions.
In this article, a comparison is made between economic and identity explanations of preferences toward EU membership in the Czech Republic. This research demonstrates that economics rather than identity is a more powerful explanation of public opinion on accession. With regard to economic explanations of public support for integration three models are examined - a winners and losers model, an international trade liberalisation model, and a foreign direct investment model. A comparison of these three models shows that support for accession was primarily based on attitudes toward foreign direct investment. Moreover, contemplating employment opportunities within the EU following accession was also an important factor. Contrary to previous research the empirical evidence presented in this article suggests that being a winner or loser in the post-communist transition process was not the strongest factor explaining popular support for membership. The results presented should not be taken to imply that instrumental rather than ideological or affect-based motivations determine general attitudes toward integration. On the specific question of vote choice in the accession referendum instrumental economic considerations were most important.
A problem in educational attainment research is that measures of association, and not measures of inequality, have been used to observe inequality in the distribution of higher education between classes. While the statistical association between class and education in many countries has been relatively stable, measures of inequality applied to the same data show a marked reduction of inequality in the distribution of higher education over time. This is a result of reduced bias in the allocation mechanisms, most likely facilitated by the increasing provision of higher education. Decreasing inequality means that the conclusion in the literature that egalitarian educational reforms have been ineffective lacks empirical support. One reason why measures of inequality have been overlooked in most educational attainment research may be the firm but unfounded belief in the 'margin insensitivity' of loglinear measures. They are assumed to capture the association net of changes in the marginals of the class-by-education table, thus reflecting the 'true nature' of the allocation mechanism in recruitment to higher education. This notion can be shown to be a logically untenable deduction from the property of loglinear measures of being insensitive in relation to one specific kind of change in the marginals, to the claim that these measures are insensitive to marginal changes in general.
The residualisation of social housing sectors requires housing managers to intensify social management activities aimed at promoting tenants’ wellbeing and social cohesion. This paper discusses the implementation of such activities in the Italian public housing sector. It juxtaposes the vision conceptualised at the policy level with the daily activities of housing managers in practice on the ground and highlights the gaps between policy goals and realities of tenants’ involvement. While social management activities are expected to contribute to breaking the vicious circle of financial, technical, and social decline that has long affected public housing estates, the short timeframe of the planned interventions raises the question of the potential for structural change.
European agriculture has recently undergone important changes connected with the reorientation of EU policy towards regional, recreational, and land-use subsidies, and owing to the internal divergence in agriculture itself, which has led to large 'industrial' farming companies on the one hand and small, ecological farms on the other. During the period of transformation, the Czech agricultural sector has been forced to confront these changes and full stability remains a long way in the future. Transformation has thus brought both advantages and disadvantages to all the players involved. The former include the existence of large-scale farms, relatively highly skilled workers, and a cheap labour force, which make Czech agriculture competitive on a European scale. On the other hand, Czech attitudes towards work and respect for the property of others are inadequate; production efficiency and quality are low, whereas the expectations of farmers are high. Czech entrepreneurs have opted for relatively strict, unsocial, win-win strategies and understand their business simply in terms of material profit. Conversely, Western businessmen active in the Czech Republic more highly value the long-term profit, social ties and the symbolic functions of agriculture, though that does not mean they would not prefer 'industrial' forms of farming. The main problem of Czech agriculture is thus the absence of family-type farms rooted in their local, social environment, and there is only limited potential for this to develop. Unfortunately, this fact creates the threat of a 'two-speed' European agriculture: the Western model, combining both small and 'industrial' farms, and the Eastern model, focusing solely on extensive large-scale farming.
The question of the reasons for the extreme variation in morbidity among the gene carriers of acute porphyria and the great diversity of the precipitating factors are approached by the aid of a model of interacting genomic circuits. It is based on the current paradigm of the acute porphyric attack as a result of a toxic proximal overload of the enzyme-
deficient heme-biosynthetic patway. Porphyrogenic influx of precursors is seen as a consequence of uncontrolled induction of its gate-keeping enzyme, ubiquitous 5-aminolevulinate synthase (ALAS1), due to attenuated post-translational control of the enzyme combined with activated gene transcription. Focus is directed on the genomic
control of the master-regulator of ALAS1-transcription, the nuclear receptor pair constitutively active receptor (CAR) and pregnane xenobiotic receptor (PXR). On activation by their ligands, i.e. lipophilic drugs, solvents, alcohols, hormonal steroids and biocides, these DNA-binding proteins transform xenobiotic or steroid stimuli to coordinated
activations of gene transcription-programs for ALAS1 and apo-cytochromes P450 (apo-CYPs), thus effecting the formation of xenobiotic-metabolizing cytochrome P450 enzymes. The potency of the CAR/PXR-transduction axis is enhanced by co-activators generated in
at least four other genomic circuits, each triggered by different external and internal stimuli clinically experienced to be porphyroge
nic, and each controlled by co-activating and co-repressing modulators. The expressions of the genes for CAR and PXR are thus augmented by binding glucocorticoid receptor (GR) activated by a steroid hormone, e.g, cortisol generated in fasting, infection or different forms of stress. The promotor regions of ALAS1 and apoCYPs contain binding sites for at least three co-activating transcription factors enhancing CAR/PXR transduction: i.e. the ligand-independent growth hormone (GH)-pulse controlled hepatocyte nuclear factor 4 (HNF4), the insulin-responsive forkhead box class O-(FOXO) protein pathway activated in stress and infection, and the proliferator-activated receptor gamma co-activator 1 al
pha (PGC-1alpha) circuit responding to glucagon liberated in fasting. Many interactions and cross-talk take place within the tangle of genomic circuits that control ALAS1-transcription, which may explain the extreme inter- and intra-individual variability in morbidity in acute porphyria. Reasons for gender-differences are found in sex-dependent control of HPA- and GH-activity as well as in direct, or GR-mediated effects on CAR/PCR activation. Constitutional differences in individual porphyric morbidity may be discussed along lines of mutations or duplications of genes for co-activating or co-repressing nuclear proteins active at different levels within the circuits.
The article deals with the questions of the (in)visibility of women in Slovak political life. The material presents statistical data on women's participation in Slovak national, regional and local politics with the support of qualitative data from interviews with women politicians and activists. The author looks at the reasons for the low political representation of women and the unsuccessful attempts to increase it by introducing positive mechanisms such as quotas. The primary focus is put on the representation of women in municipal politics. The author analyses the main reasons why women are more successful in local politics than in 'high' politics.