The study deals with political activities of the Soviet Army in Czechoslovakia after the intervention on August 21, 1968, and its sympathizers from the ranks of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. The authoress examines the topic in the early stage of the so-called normalization (until the spring of 1970), focusing on the local level; however, she sets her research into a broader period context and derives general conclusions from its results. Although the offi cial agreement on the temporary stay of Soviet troops in the territory of Czechoslovakia declared that the Soviet Army should not interfere with domestic affairs of the Czechoslovak state, the Soviet leadership kept devising plans how to make use of the presence of Soviet troops for political purposes. Soviet offi cers participated in the dissemination of Soviet propaganda, established contacts with local anti-reform party offi cials, spoke at their forums, complained about hostile attitudes of Czechoslovak political bodies, and thus kept pressing for a legitimization of the political arrangements. The authoress shows that local pro-Soviet activists, who had maintained contacts with the Soviet Army from the very beginning and been taking over its political agenda, were playing a crucial role in the success of these efforts. In line with Soviet intentions, they were implementing the normalization process ''from below'',initiating purges in various organs, demanding the dismissal of offi cials protesting against presence of the Soviet Army, participating in the subsequent political vetting. They were actively pushing through a change of the offi cial approach to the Soviet Army and helped break its boycott by the Czechoslovak society, which had initially been almost unanimous. In doing so, they were making use of their personal contacts to organize manifestation ''friendship'' meetings and visits of Soviet soldiers to Czechoslovak schools and factories. The authoress analyzes the reasons of the attitude of these activists, most of whom came from the ranks of ''old'' (pre-war) and ''distinguished'' members of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, and illustrates the development outlined above by specifi c examples. By way of conclusion, she notes that, although different forms of the CzechoslovakSoviet ''friendship'' since 1968 are often viewed as mere formalistic acts without any deeper meaning at the level of ''lived'' experience, they were, from the viewpoint of the Soviet policy, well thought-out and centrally planned propagandistic activities which contributed to the promotion of the Soviet interpretation of the Prague Spring and the Soviet invasion and discredited its opponents. and Přeložila Blanka Medková
Autor v těchto prvních dějinách české a slovenské sociologie v období od jejích počátků do roku 1948 podle recenzenta výtečně kombinuje historický nadhled, archivní bádání a mimořádnou píli se sociologickým porozuměním. Za její podstatné klady považuje čtivé podání a maximálně možnou objektivitu, ale také faktografické bohatství a spolehlivost. Zároveň se recenzent zamýšlí nad smyslem psaní dějin české sociologie jako společenské vědy, která znamenala ve světovém měřítku v zásadě jen minimální přínos. and [autor recenze] Miloslav Petrusek.
Dodatky k Příručnímu slovníku jazyka českého, které nebyly nikdy knižně vydány, se v roce 2011 (55 let od vydání posledního dílu PSJČ) dočkaly svého zveřejnění. Rukopis byl vyhledán v Archivu AV ČR, odkud se nakrátko vrátil zpátky do Ústavu pro jazyk český, a byl převeden do elektronické podoby. Do rukopisu, který se nachází ve formě jednotlivých lístků s heslovými slovy, nebylo přitom nijak obsahově zasahováno, a tak se zájemci mohou na stránkách ÚJČ AV ČR, v. v. i. (http://bara.ujc.cas.cz/bara/) seznámit s původní nedokončenou podobou Dodatků. Dodatky (ostatně jako celý PSJČ) se materiálově opíraly o lístkový lexikální archiv ÚJČ, zvláště o jeho druhou vrstvu, z níž vycházel i první normativní slovník češtiny Slovník spisovného jazyka českého. Četné shody s heslářem SSJČ byly jedním hlavních důvodů, proč Dodatky nakonec nikdy nevyšly. Jejich existence je nicméně významná zejména tím, že věrně ilustrují podobu českého lexika druhé poloviny čtyřicátých a takřka celých padesátých let, včetně mnohých neologismů, jež se do SSJČ pro svou krátkou životnost nedostaly a které (z lingvistického hlediska) dotvářejí komplexní obraz celospolečenských změn v Československu té doby., Addenda to Příruční slovník jazyka českého (''Desk Dictionary of the Czech Language'') that had never been printed were published in 2011, 55 years after the issue of the last volume of the Dictionary. The manuscript was found in the Archives of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic and was temporarily transferred back to Ústav pro jazyk český AV ČR (Institute for the Czech Language ASCR) to be converted into digital form. No modifications at all were made to the manuscript, consisting of cards with headwords, and the public may use the original incomplete work of the Addenda at the website of the Institute for the Czech Language at http://bara.ujc.cas.cz/bara/. The Addenda, just like the entire Dictionary, were based on the lexical archive of the Institute in the form of cards, especially the second layer on which the standardising Czech dictionary, Slovník spisovného jazyka českého (Dictionary of the Standardised Czech Language), was based. Numerous conformities with the headword base of the Standardised Language dictionary were one of the main reasons the Addenda were never published. However, their existence is important especially because they are a credible description of the Czech lexicon of the latter half of the 1940’s and almost the whole of the 1950’s, including many neologisms which were not included in the Standardised Language dictionary as they were only in use for a short time and which, from the linguistic point of view, help to provide a comprehensive picture of the major social changes under way in Czechoslovakia at that time.(Translated by Hynek Zlatník.), and Překlad resumé: Hynek Zlatník
As has often been observed in the literature, an utterance of a generic such as ‘Boys don’t cry’ can convey a normative behavioral rule that applies to boys, roughly: that boys shouldn’t cry. This observation has led many authors to the claim that generics are ambiguous: they allow both for a descriptive as well as a normative reading. The present paper argues against this common assumption: it argues that the observation in question should be addressed at the level of pragmatics, rather than at the level of semantics. In particular, the paper argues that the normative force of utterances of generics results from the presence of a conversational implicature. This result should somewhat alleviate the task of finding a proper semantic analysis of generics since it shows that at least one of their intriguing features need not be reflected in their truth-conditions.
Homeownership has been in decline in a number of developed societies since the early 2000s driven, primarily, by declining entry among younger households who have been increasingly pushed into the rental sector. This trend has been associated with a growing intergenerational divide, or even conflict, and the emergence of ‘Generation Rent’. This paper explores the conditions surrounding diminishing access to owner-occupation among new households with a focus on the historic maturation of homeownership sectors, the restructuring of the political economy (financialization) around housing wealth and the inter-cohort dynamics surrounding the accumulation and transfer of housing wealth. The paper takes an international perspective drawing on evidence from two parallel, but contrasting cases: Japan and the UK. The analysis illustrates the interrelatedness of interand intra-generational inequalities, with the former reinforcing the latter. It also focuses on the role of families as both a moderator of generational inequity at the micro level as well as an enhancer of socioeconomic inequalities overall.
In this article, a comparison is made between economic and identity explanations of preferences toward EU membership in the Czech Republic. This research demonstrates that economics rather than identity is a more powerful explanation of public opinion on accession. With regard to economic explanations of public support for integration three models are examined - a winners and losers model, an international trade liberalisation model, and a foreign direct investment model. A comparison of these three models shows that support for accession was primarily based on attitudes toward foreign direct investment. Moreover, contemplating employment opportunities within the EU following accession was also an important factor. Contrary to previous research the empirical evidence presented in this article suggests that being a winner or loser in the post-communist transition process was not the strongest factor explaining popular support for membership. The results presented should not be taken to imply that instrumental rather than ideological or affect-based motivations determine general attitudes toward integration. On the specific question of vote choice in the accession referendum instrumental economic considerations were most important.
A problem in educational attainment research is that measures of association, and not measures of inequality, have been used to observe inequality in the distribution of higher education between classes. While the statistical association between class and education in many countries has been relatively stable, measures of inequality applied to the same data show a marked reduction of inequality in the distribution of higher education over time. This is a result of reduced bias in the allocation mechanisms, most likely facilitated by the increasing provision of higher education. Decreasing inequality means that the conclusion in the literature that egalitarian educational reforms have been ineffective lacks empirical support. One reason why measures of inequality have been overlooked in most educational attainment research may be the firm but unfounded belief in the 'margin insensitivity' of loglinear measures. They are assumed to capture the association net of changes in the marginals of the class-by-education table, thus reflecting the 'true nature' of the allocation mechanism in recruitment to higher education. This notion can be shown to be a logically untenable deduction from the property of loglinear measures of being insensitive in relation to one specific kind of change in the marginals, to the claim that these measures are insensitive to marginal changes in general.
The residualisation of social housing sectors requires housing managers to intensify social management activities aimed at promoting tenants’ wellbeing and social cohesion. This paper discusses the implementation of such activities in the Italian public housing sector. It juxtaposes the vision conceptualised at the policy level with the daily activities of housing managers in practice on the ground and highlights the gaps between policy goals and realities of tenants’ involvement. While social management activities are expected to contribute to breaking the vicious circle of financial, technical, and social decline that has long affected public housing estates, the short timeframe of the planned interventions raises the question of the potential for structural change.