In the Habsburg lands at the turn of the 19th century (as a consequence of Enlightenment critique of the legal, social and medical status quo), a change occurred in attitudes to voluntary death. This "new discourse" permeated all state-controlled institutions, being particularly evident in the transformation of teaching practice at medical schools and the introduction of new measures concerning self-willed death. This paper considers the reception of newly-introduced reforms - especially in law and medicine - in the Litoměřice region, and the impact of these changes on the way a suicide’s body was treated and where it was laid to rest. It addresses the question of how much and in what way official and medical investigations of suicides changed, which institutions were involved in such investigations, and how information was exchanged between the various judicial authorities. As a result of ever-closer collaboration between state institutions on the one hand and medical practitioners on the other, suicide in the Litoměřice region in the first half of the 19th century was, de facto, gradually decriminalized., Tereza Liepoldová., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
Studie se věnuje problematice socialistické sociální politiky jako specifickému a velmi důležitému nástroji mocenské legitimizace a opatrovnictví. Na základě rozsáhlého archivního výzkumu srovnává základní východiska sociálněpolitických opatření československého a východoněmeckého komunistického vedení v letech 1970 až 1989. Práce přibližuje základní systémové předpoklady a ambice sociální politiky a poukazuje rovněž na limity hospodářské politiky. Ve stručnosti jsou rovněž nastíněny jednotlivé vývojové etapy sociální politiky obou zemí ve sledovaném období. Hlavní těžiště předložené studie však spočívá v systematickém srovnání vývoje důchodového zabezpečení, kterému mocenský establishment věnoval značnou pozornost. Zajištění občanů ve stáří představovalo pro oba režimy až do roku 1989 závažný problém a realizovaná opatření jej řešila pouze částečně. Studie poukazuje na klíčová úskalí důchodového zabezpečení a věnuje se problematice životní úrovně důchodců v obou zemích. Z realizovaného výzkumu přitom vyplývá, že důchodové zabezpečení bylo pomyslnou Achillovou patou východoněmeckého socialismu. Neutěšená situace starodůchodců, citelný propad životní úrovně, značná zaměstnanost lidí v poproduktivním věku či ustavičné porušování propagovaného principu zásluhovosti však patří k problémům, se kterými se po celé „normalizační“ období potýkal i československý režim., This article is concerned with the topic of socialist social policy as a special feature and an extremely important instrument of legitimating power and of guardianship. Drawing on his extensive archive research, the author compares the starting points of the social-policy measures of the Czechoslovak and the East German Communist leaderships from 1970 to 1989. He discusses the fundamental systemic prerequisites and ambitions of social policy, points out the limits of economic policy, and outlines the individual stages in the development of social policy in the two countries in this period. The focal point of the article is a systematic comparison of the development of pension plans, to which the political establishment in each country paid considerable attention. Providing social security to their senior citizens was a serious problem for both régimes right up to late 1989, and the implemented measures were only partly successful in dealing with it. The article identifies the pitfalls of retirement insurance, and considers the standard of living of pensioners in both countries. From his research, he concludes that old-age pensions were the Achilles’ heel of East German socialism. The unanticipated circumstances of senior citizens, the tangible decline in their standard of living, the considerable employment of people of a post-productive age, and the continuous violation of the publicly declared principle of merit are, however, among the problems that the Czechoslovak régime also struggled with throughout the years of reinstating hard-line Communism in the post-1969 policy of ‘normalization’., Tomáš Vilímek., and Obsahuje bibliografii
The study is based on an analysis of content and themes of the correspondence of the wellknown Enlightenment Era "provincial intellectual", a bank clerk from Čáslav Jan Ferdinand Opiz (1741-1812), with a country priest from the highlands on the border of Bohemia and Moravia, Karel Killar (1745-1806). Their correspondence - in most part hitherto unstudied - is deposited in the National Museum in Prague. It consists of more than 300 letters, written over a long period of 16 years (1793-1806), and it is fascinating for several reasons: it is conducted in French, which represents one of the very rare testimonies of a good knowledge of French in some members of other classes than the nobility in the 18th and 19th centuries; in this case, the use of French can be read as an implicit adherence to (French) Enlightenment, and perhaps even to the principles of the French Revolution. And it is the Enlightenment, the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars around which the entire correspondence revolves. Thanks to this we may not only form a deeper and more nuanced insight into Opitz, a wellknown sympathizer of the French Revolution, but also into the lesser known figure of Killar, a man of universal education and an Enlightenment era priest of Josephine stamp, who tried to integrate both the Enlightenment and the French Revolution within his firm Christian (Catholic) worldview., Daniela Tinková., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy