The karyotypes of 73 specimens of subterranean mole rats of the superspecies Spalax leucodon Nordmann, 1840 from 21 localities, and six specimens of the superspecies Spalax ehrenbergi Nehring, 1898 from three localities in Turkey were analysed. S. leucodon has 2n = 56, NF = 78 in the populations from Thrace; and 2n = 48, NF = 71; 2n = 50, NF = 70; 2n = 50, NF = 72; 2n = 54, NF = 75; 2n = 56, NF = 72; 2n = 58, NF = 72; 2n = 60, NF = 74; 2n = 60, NF = 76; 2n =60, NF = 77 in the populations from Anatolia. S. ehrenbergi has 2n = 56, NF = 72 in the Adana population, and 2n =52, NF = 74 in the Elbeyli population. According to these karyological findings based on chromosome morphology, the diploid chromosome number of 2n = 48, NF = 71 reported here is new for Spalax leucodon in Turkey. The karyological peculiarities and distributional area of mole rats in the European part of Turkey have been determined in detail, and shown that only the 2n = 56 form is distributed in Thrace.
In this paper a combination of characters by which Poecilimon species (Orthoptera: Tettigonioidea: Phaneropteridae) can be recognised as members of the P. sanctipauli group are described. Most important are the wide fastigium, short ovipositor and song characters. The morphological characters are figured and described (Table 1), and the song patterns illustrated by oscillograms. The proposed phylogenetic relationships of the members of this group are written as [P. mytilenensis (P. pulcher, P. lodosi, P. sanctipauli)]. All species of the group are known from southwest Turkey and some east Aegean islands. The three species P. pulcher, P. lodosi and P. sanctipauli are morphologically and bioacoustically quite similar. P. sanctipauli and P. pulcher are distinct species, P. lodosi, however, possesses a combination of the key characters of the other two species. It may be a relict species or, in our opinion more probably, a species of hybrid origin.
We assessed IgG antibody to Toxoplasma gondii in 300 inpatients with schizophrenia (SG), 150 outpatients with anxiety and depressive disorders (PCG), and 150 healthy blood donors (HCG). Seropositivity rates were 60.7% for SG, 36.7% for PCG, and 45.3% for HCG (p<0.001). The seropositivity rate for anti-Toxoplasma IgG antibodies in SG was significantly higher that in PCG (X2=23.11, OR=2.66, p=0.001) and HCG (X2=9.52, OR=1.86, p=0.002). Among SG, 85% of those who reported close cat contact had IgG antibodies to T. gondii. Close cat contacts were reported by 59% of SG, 6% of PCG, and 9% of HCG (p<0.001). There was a nonsignificant positive association between toxoplasmosis and schizophrenia for people with a contact with a cat (OR=2.221, p=0.127, CI95=0.796-6.192), and significant negative association between toxoplasmosis and schizophrenia for people without contact with a cat (OR=0.532, p=0.009, CI95=0.332-0.854). Close cat contact (OR=2.679, p<0.001), 51-65-year age group (OR=1.703, p<0.001) and education [illiterate+primary (OR=6.146, p<0.001) and high school (OR=1.974, p=0.023)] were detected as independent risk factors in multivariate logistic regression. The effect of toxoplasmosis on risk of schizophrenia disappeared in the complex model analyzed with multivariate logistic regression. In conclusion, our data suggest that the toxoplasmosis has no direct effect on the risk of schizophrenia in Turkey but is just an indication of previous contacts with a cat.
The article summarizes the development of the Turkish political cartoon from Ottoman period and focuses on political cartoons in the satirical magazine Penguen during the venets related to Gezi park in Istanbul this year. The goal of the article is to show the importance of the satirical press in Turkey, its role as a forum for oppositional opinions and as a conveyor of uncensored news. It also tires to answer the question of how much the tense political situation affects political cartoons., Petra Sedmíková., and Obsahuje bibliografii
In May and June 2013 Turkey witnessed one of the longest and biggest social unrests in its modern history. Protesters all around the country rebelled against the government's authoritarian tendencies and police violence, exemplified by the hars treatment of activists resisting the reshaping of Istanbul's favorite Taksim Square and the adjacent Gezi Park. This essay address the origins, development and outcomes of the Turkish "Occupy Gezi" movement. It seeks the roots of the movement on three interdependent levels centered around the uses and misuses of public space and the instrumentalization of civil society in the hegemonical political discourse. Accordingly, the demonstrations are analyzed as (1) a critique of neoliberal developmentarism in Turkey, reflected in the marketization/commodification of public space and the destruction of the envoronment; (2) as a critique of the majoritarian, non-inclusive concept of democracy that accompanies neoliberal economic policies in Turkey and has manifested itself in the attempt to appropriate public space and to gain effective control over "disloyal" elements of society; and (3) finally as a critique of state paternalism, its most palpable effect being the imposition of conservative values, the distaste for alternative life-styles and the construction of a homogeneous mass of "Turkish citizens" adhering to similar values. We argue that the alleged Islamism of the ruling AKP played only an accessory role in the outbreak and development of the protests. What was an ecological protest and outcry at non-participative urban transformation in the beginning turned into a widespread popular happening whose participants tried to create an alternative to the bureaucratic machinery of the neoliberal state and the increasingly authoritarian behavior of its representatives who are unresponsive and unsensitive to the frustrations of oppositional voices, non-religious classes and different life-styles., Petr Kučera., and Obsahuje bibliografii
Comparisons of the recent protests in Turkey to the Arab Spring are met with negative responses among representatives of the Turkish governmnet as well as those criticizing the govemment. The attitudes of political opponents emphasizing the difference between Turkey and the other Middle Eastern countries show the impact of Orientalism on Turkish identity as well as perceptions of Turkey's role as a model for (not only) Middle Eastern Muslim countries., Jitka Malečková., and Obsahuje bibliografii