Tento článek se zabývá uplatněním principu rovnosti volebního práva v České republice. Autořise zaměřují na jednotlivé složky rovnosti volebního práva, tedy princip rovnosti hlasů a princip rovnostiváhy hlasů s ohledem na volební judikaturu Ústavního soudu.V první části příspěvku se tak autoři věnujíporušení principu rovnosti hlasů v podobě jednotlivých excesů na úrovni voleb do obecního zastupitelstvav podobě tzv. uplácení voličů a účelového přihlašování voličů k trvalému pobytu v obci. Ve druhé částipříspěvku se autoři zabývají porušováním principu rovnosti váhy hlasu na úrovni voleb do Poslaneckésněmovny Parlamentu České republiky, jeho vývoji a možnému řešení do budoucnosti. and This article deals with the application of the principle of equality of voting rights in the Czech Republic. The authors focus on the individual components of equality voting rights with respect to the case law of the Constitutional Court. In the first part of the article the authors devote to violation of the principle of equality of votes in the form of individual excesses at the elections to the municipal council in the form of bribing voters and voter registration purpose-built for permanent residence in the village. In the second part of the article, the authors deal with violations of the
principle of equal weight of votes at the elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic, its development and possible solutions for the future.
The early months of 2014 have been marked with two important
elections in two of the Visegrad Four (V4) countries. Both have been first order elections with very high stakes. Slovak presidential election was to be a test of Robert Fico’s risky maneuver, his attempt to capture the presidential office from amidst his PM mandate. Hungarian legislative election was to decide whether Viktor Orban’s unprecedented 2010 triumph would be reaffirmed
or not. One of these electioans has been characterized by astonishing result continuity (in comparison to the previous election), while the other one by a fundamental change. Contraintuitively, however, this article aims to show that it is Hungary, the country displaying election outcome stability, which
has actually been undergoing a party system change. And, conversely, in case of Slovakia, the country with a seemingly discontinuous election outcome, it would be at least premature to envisage a fundamental party system change.This article, obviously, goes beyond a narrow 2014 comparison of two single
electoral events where, moreover, two different types of elections took place. It sets the current stories into context, i.e., analyzes both party systems, compares their differing logics and offers some tentative explanations for their divergent dynamics of development. and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
The article exposes the problems connected with defining and measuring the proportionality of election results. It presents current and predominant methods used to measure proportionality and points to some possible alternative approaches to understanding and measuring proportionality. Current discourse gives priority to measuring proportionality using one of two basic methods for determining the proportional division of seats: quotas and largest remainders. Proportionality measured using these formulae is based on the principle of summing up the absolute differences between the share of votes and the share of seats. These measurement methods are known for their ability to best assess election results attained with the aid of the Hare quota and the largest remainders method. The article therefore presents an alternative approach in the 'real quota theory', which provides the theoretical bases for constructing a new RR index and its derivatives the ARR and the SRR indices. This approach to measurement is tied to the principle of dividing seats using the highest averages method, that is, the d'Hondt divisor. These new indices are defined as alternatives to traditional indices of proportionality.