Metodu "kinetic impactor" (test změny trajektorie asteroidu na kolizní dráze Země) představuje Dr. Petr Pravec, pod jehož vedením česká spolupráce na tomto projektu probíhá. and Jana Žďárská, Petr Pravec.
Historiography has shown that the implementation of land reforms in East Central Europe has been greatly stimulated by the particular post-war situation and was influenced by the balance of power in the respective countries. The differences in the radicalism of land reforms depended largely on whether the redistribution of land and property rights could be used to strengthen the new state nations and/or to weaken the former privileged ethnic groups, like Germans, Hungarians or Russians. Nevertheless, the question arises to what extent certain similarities and differences of land reforms were caused by the reception and adaptation of concepts from other countries and from the pre-war times. Germany is often
overlooked in this context because here, after 1918, no major land reforms (but settlement projects) took place. The paper contains examinations of debates on “optimal” land ownership distribution as they were part of German agricultural politics and agricultural sciences (Max Sering) and of the attempts to implement these ideas before the First World War. The article emphasizes the mutual relationship of nationalistically motivated settlement policies and the economically and socio-politically motivated inner colonization. While national goals were not achieved, the interaction of the Poznań Settlement Commission, of the General Commission and of the private Polish and German parcelling agencies caused a signifi cant change in farm size structure by strengthening the rural middle classes. In a second step, a comparison between the German/Prussian settlement policy and “inner colonization” on one side and the East Central European land reforms on the other shows many similarities. The article ends with a plea for a transnational perspective on land reform history by the reconstruction of concrete transfer processes. and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
The German Agrarian Party was founded in Bohemia in 1905. It won a majority of rural seats in both the 1907 and the 1911 elections. Compared with its Czech counterpart, it suffered from a lack of political organization and leadership. The economic lobbies and associations that had been instrumental in founding the party retained a dominant voice throughout its history. In parliament, the party kept a low profile and a pro-government line, except on issues of commercial policies. During the war years, the party failed
to adequately reflect the growing dissatisfaction of the agrarian world with governmental policies which is why it was re-founded in 1918 under another name (Bund der Landwirte). and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
Stať reaguje na kritiku českých dějin umění ze strany významných zahraničních historiků umění (Gerhard Schmidt, 1992, Ernő Marosi, 1999) kvůli patrioticky předpojatému bádání o bronzové plastice sv. Jiří na Pražském hradě, odlité v roce 1373 bratry Martinem a Jiřím z Klausenburgu. V první části se zabývá názorem českých historiků umění první poloviny 20. století (Václav Vilém Štech – Zdeněk Wirth, 1913, Jaromír Pečírka, 1931, 1934 a další), že plastika sv. Jiří byla po roce 1562 přelita a při tom značně pozměněna v renesančním stylu, zejména co se týká koně, což bylo převažující mínění už v první polovině 19. století. Béla Lázár (1917) a Wilhelm Pinder (1924) s tím nesouhlasili. Pochybnosti českých dějin umění v tomto směru ukončili Albert Kutal (1949, 1962) a Viktor Kotrba (1962, 1969). Oba přitom neuvedli, že o autentičnosti této unikátní gotické plastiky byli podle analýzy mechanických poškození přesvědčeni už na počátku druhé poloviny 19. století zakladatelé českého dějepisu umění Ferdinand B. Mikovec, Karel Vladislav Zap a August Ambros. Druhá část stati se zabývá názorem Alberta Kutala (1949, 1962), že sedmihradští kovolitci Martin a Jiří z Klausenburgu odlili v roce 1373 sousoší sv. Jiří podle modelu neznámého sochaře z pražské huti Petra Parléře, respektive závěrem Jaromíra Homolky (1978, 1983), že autorem modelu mohl být Petr Parléř. Na rozdíl od zahraničních historiků umění, kteří s tím vyjádřili zásadní nesouhlas, autor příspěvku upozorňuje, že podstata otázky, tj. zda umělecký návrh plastiky pocházel z Prahy, zůstává závažná a aktuální. Nedávné odkrytí původních nástěnných maleb na schodišti velké věže hradu Karlštejna (kolem let 1365–1367) potvrdilo starší upozornění (Vlasta Dvořáková, 1961, Albert Kutal, 1962), že neobyčejně živé a anatomicky věrné zpodobnění zde vyobrazených koní předznamenalo plastiku sv. Jiří. Autor kresebného návrhu, bez kterého se nemohl obejít vznik tak složitého sousoší, ze stylových důvodů vytvořeného zřejmě už v šedesátých letech 14. století, mohl antické a italské poučení nalézt v Čechách, nejen v Itálii. Jako jeho tvůrce lze zvažovat mistra Osvalda, malíře scénicky pojatých zázraků sv. Václava na schodišti velké věže Karlštejna a později také nástěnných maleb v katedrále sv. Víta v Praze. V Praze a Vídni působili řezbáři a sochaři schopní realizovat prvotní model a spolupracovat se sedmihradskými kovolitci i na voskovém modelu této plastiky. and The article responds to criticism of Czech art history expressed by major art historians abroad (Gerhard Schmidt, 1992, Ernő Marossi, 1999). They have charged that Czech research on the bronze sculpture of St George at Prague Castle, cast in 1373 by the brothers Martin and George of Klausenburg, has shown a patriotic bias. The first part of the article treats the view of Czech art historians of the early 20th century that the sculpture of St George was recast after 1562 and thereby changed in a Renaissance style, in particular the horse (Václav Vilém Štech—Zdeněk Wirth, 1913, Jaromír Pečírka, 1931, 1934 etc.). This view was predominant in the first half of the 19th century. Béla Lázár (1917) and Wilhelm Pinder (1924) did not agree. Albert Kutal (1949, 1962) and Viktor Kotrba (1962, 1969) put an end to these doubts. Yet neither mentioned that from the middle of the 19th century on, the founders of Czech art history, Ferdinand B. Mikovec, Karel Vladislav Zap and August Ambros, were convinced of the authenticity of this unique Gothic sculpture based on the basis of an analysis of mechanical damage. The second part of the article treats the view expressed by Albert Kutal (1949, 1962) that the Transylvanian metalworkers Martin and George of Klausenburg cast the sculpture of St George in 1373 according to a model by an anonymous sculpture from the Prague workshop of Peter Parler, as well as Jaromír Homolka’s (1978, 1983) suggestion that Peter Parler designed the model. Unlike the abovementioned art historians, who fundamentally disagreed, the author of the article points out that the question as to whether or not the artistic draft of the sculpture originated in Prague is still serious and relevant. The recent uncovering of the original wall paintings on the staircase of the great tower at Karlštejn Castle (around 1365–1367) has confirmed the earlier observation (Vlasta Dvořáková, 1961, Albert Kutal, 1962) that the unusually vivid and anatomically accurate depiction of the horses there prefigured the statue of St George. Such a complex sculpture would have required a model, which, for stylistic reasons, must have been drawn in the 1360s. The person who drew the bronze statue of St George may have been inspired by classical and Italian sources in Bohemia, and not just in Italy. It may be identified as the potential work of Master Osvald, who probably painted the great part of the scenic miracles of St Wenceslas on the staircase of the great tower at Karlštejn and later also wall paintings in St Vitus Cathedral in Prague. There were woodcarvers and sculptors in Prague and Vienna who would have been able to construct a primary model and collaborate with the Transylvanian metalworkers on the wax model of this sculpture as well.
V obecném českém kulturním povědomí je dobře znám úzký rodinný vztah Oskara Kokoschky k Čechám stejně jako Kokoschkovy kontakty s Československem a jeho exil v Praze. Ovšem jen málo jsou dosud osvětleny jeho rané kontakty s českým prostředím ještě z období Rakouska-Uherska. V Karlových Varech byla v roce 1911 otevřena výstava Kokoschkových děl, jeho teprve druhá samostatná výstava, představující symbolický předěl mezi Kokoschkovým odchodem z Berlína a návratem do Vídně, tudíž jakousi zvláštní formu umělcovy aklimatizace po návratu do rakousko-uherského mocnářství. Proč Karlovy Vary? Někdy v roce 1909–1910 se Kokoschka ve Vídni seznámil s Walterem Sernerem. Tento židovský intelektuál a karlovarský rodák studoval od roku 1909 práva na vídeňské univerzitě a živě se zajímal o literární a umělecký život císařské metropole. V týdeníku Karlsbader Zeitung, který patřil jeho otci Bertholdu Seligmannovi, publikoval Serner v letech 1909–1913 články o vídeňském kulturním životě. Dokonce zde vedl vlastní rubriku originálních fejetonů, nazvanou Wiener Kunstbrief (1910–1911). Ze Sernerova nadšení a na základě jeho osobních vídeňských kontaktů se zrodila idea uspořádat v Karlových Varech Kokoschovu výstavu. Ta se uskutečnila mezi 1. červencem a 15. srpnem 1911 v proslulém Café Park Schönbrunn a Serner byl jejím kurátorem a hlavním organizátorem. Konzervativní karlovarské publikum reagovalo podle očekávání spíše zdrženlivě. Serner s tím ovšem počítal a byla to tak jedna z prvních kulturních provokací tohoto pozdějšího spoluzakladatele dadaismu, kulturního bohéma, který se stal výraznou osobností avantgardní kultury výmarského Německa. and Oskar Kokoschka’s close relationship to Bohemia is well known in the collective cultural consciousness of the land, as are Kokoschka’s contacts with Czechoslovakia and his exile in Prague. However, little light has been shed on his early involvements with the Czech environment during the Austro-Hungarian period. In 1911 an exhibition was opened in Karlovy Vary of Kokoschka’s work presenting a symbolic watershed between Kokoschka’s departure from Berlin and his return to Vienna and therefore of a rather strange form of acclimatisation the artist went through upon returning to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Why Karlovy Vary? Sometime in 1909–1910, Kokoschka met Walter Serner in Vienna. This Jewish intellectual and Karlovy Vary native had studied law since 1909 at university in Vienna and took a lively interest in the literary and artistic life of the imperial capital. From 1909–1913, Serner published articles on the Viennese cultural life in the weekly Karlsbader Zeitung, which belonged to his father, Berthold Seligmann. He even had his own column in the weekly featuring original feuilletons titled Wiener Kunstbrief (1910–1911). Based on Serner’s enthusiasm and his personal contacts in Vienna, the idea of organising an exhibition of Kokoschka’s work in Karlovy Vary was born. The exhibition took place from 1 July to 15 August 1911 in the renowned Café Park Schönbrunn and Serner was its curator and chief organiser. The conservative public of Karlovy Vary reacted rather reservedly, as had been expected. Nonetheless, Serner had counted on this, and it was thus one of the first cultural provocations of this later co-founder of Dadaism, a cultural Bohemian who was to become a bold figure of the avant-garde culture of Weimar Germany.
In 1935, the Sudeten German Party (SdP), originally founded as
Sudeten German Heimatfront (SHF) just 20 months before, gained more than 63 percent of the German voters and became suddenly the most important voice of the German minority in the Czechoslovak Republic. The victory was the first step on the way to the secession of the German inhabited areas of Czechoslovakia to Nazi Germany by the Munich agreement in 1938. The article
analyses the election campaign of the party in 1935 on the basis of archival documents from the Czech national archives. It aims to find out how it was possible for a completely new movement to gather so much support in such a short time. The examination of the constitution of the party and strategies used to mobilize voters has proved that the idea of the Volksgemeinschaft (“people’s community”) played the most important role for the political
success of the SHF/SdP. However, the meaning of the term Volksgemeinschaft, used also by the Nazi movement in Germany, was adjusted by SHF/SdP leaders to the specific Czechoslovak political and social reality. Besides that, an excursion into the
finances of the party has revealed the suspicion that SHF/SdP was financed from the Nazi Germany to be only partly true. and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
Studie Tomáše Slavického se zabývá kancionálem "Jesličky, staré a nové písničky" od českého barokního básníka a duchovního Fridricha Bridelia a zasazením jeho repertoáru do kontextu evropské tvorby duchovních písní., The songbook Jesličky (1658) has tended to be cited primarily as an example of direct contacts between Czech and German hymnography of the 17th century. Opening the door to consideration of a broader context was the presence of certain tunes in Latin-Slovak and Latin-Croatian printed material as well. An entire set of identical tunes has subsequently been confirmed in Latin, German, Czech, Slovak, Hungarian, and Croatian hymnography. The situation outlined above has thus shifted the original issue – the “new” songs printed in Jesličky are not just a new layer of the Czech Christmas repertoire with proven German sources, but also an attempt at creating Czech versions of a supranational repertoire. The search for source models is thus growing into research surveying the new repertoire of Christmas songs that was spreading its way around Central Europe near the middle of the 17th century., Tomáš Slavický., Rubrika: Studie, and České resumé na s. 415, anglický abstrakt na s. 399.
Orcuttieae is a small tribe of C4 grasses endemic to seasonal pools in the southwestern U.S., comprising the basal genus Neostapfia, Tuctoria, and the most derived group, Orcuttia. Growth is initiated underwater, and when pools dry, species undergo a metamorphosis replacing aquatic foliage with terrestrial foliage. O. californica and O. viscida exhibit CAM-like diel fluctuations in acidity in the aquatic foliage. Pulse-chase studies showed that although CO2 was fixed into malic acid in the dark, an overnight chase in the dark revealed that most label was not retained in organic acids, indicating a role other than CAM. Terrestrial foliage exhibited a very different diel fluctuation; acids accumulated during the day, and diminished overnight. Malic acid predominated and was secreted on the surface of the leaf in a manner similar to another arid land species. This terrestrial daytime acid accumulation may not be related to photosynthetic pathway but may play an anti-herbivore function. No acid fluctuations were observed in either N. colusana or T. greenei.