Přemysl Houda sice podle Opekara zpracoval obrovské množství pramenů, přesto ale fenomén folku za takzvané normalizace komplexně nepostihl. Recenzentovi chybí zejména pozornost věnovaná neoficiálnímu šíření hudebních nahrávek. Jednotlivé kapitoly na něj působí spíš jako samostatné studie a nesvědčí jim přetížení poznámkovým aparátem. Přesto je podle něj Houdova práce velmi záslužná, neboť vytěžil z pramenů spoustu poznatků, které uvádí do vzájemné souvislosti i širšího kontextu, a do značné míry osvětluje, jak fungovala folková scéna v dané době. Houdova knížka tak poslouží jako vysoce užitečný zdroj poznání a skvělý materiál k další aplikaci., Although Přemysl Houda, according to the reviewer, has dealt with a vast number of sources, he fails here to capture the phenomenon of Czech folk music in the Normalization period in its full complexity. According to the reviewer, the book fails in particular to consider the illicit (that is, not sanctioned by the State) spread of recorded music. The individual chapters strike the reviewer as somehow being individual essays, and they are overburdened with footnotes. Nevertheless, the reviewer fi nds the work praiseworthy, because Houda has found a lot of information in the sources, which he links together and puts into the broader context. To some extent, moreover, he explains how the folk scene operated in this period. Houda’s book thus serves as a highly useful source of information and superb material for further use., and Aleš Opekar.
Předmětem studie je zmapování snah o posílení Federálního shromáždění jako nejvyššího československého zákonodárného sboru během takzvané sametové revoluce na konci roku 1989 a vysvětlení příčin jejich nezdaru. Autoři se hlásí k takzvanému novému institucionalismu, který obrací svou pozornost na méně viditelné aktéry a procesy, jako jsou nedeklarované zvyky, hodnoty, procedury a mýty, které si instituce předávají. V komunistickém Československu hrál parlament podružnou roli a také během přelomového roku 1989 se mu klíčové politické diskuse a jednání vyhýbaly, nestal se jevištěm politiky ani arénou měření sil. To se začalo měnit koncem listopadu 1989 po pádu starého komunistického vedení a během změny politického režimu. Autoři vysvětlují principy fungování a politické složení Federálního shromáždění a ukazují, jak se v osobě svého mluvčího Antona Blažeje (1927-2013) začala aktivizovat komunistická většina v něm, která se přihlásila k principům demokracie, plnoprávné roli parlamentu a posléze se stala eventuální překážkou pro zvolení Václava Havla (1936-2011) prezidentem republiky. Vývoj však šel jinudy. Jako nové mocenské centrum se prosadilo Občanské fórum, které získalo rozhodující postavení i ve „vládě národního porozumění“, vytvořené mimo půdu parlamentu a bez účasti poslanců. Parlament se znovu rychle dostal do závislosti na exekutivě a jeho role pak začala růst až na jaře 1990, poté co Občanské fórum v něm získalo svou reprezentaci v procesu kooptací nových poslanců., The aim of this article is to chart out the efforts to strengthen the Federal Assembly as the supreme Czechoslovak legislative body during what became known as the Velvet Revolution beginning in late 1989, and to identify and explain the causes of the failure of these efforts. The authors are advocates of the ‘new institutionalism’, an approach that focuses on the less visible actors and processes, such as implicit customs, values, procedures, and myths, which institutions pass on to each other. In Communist Czechoslovakia, the legislature played a secondary role, and during the watershed year of 1989, the key political debates and negotiations also avoided the legislature; it did not become the stage on which politics were played out, nor even an arena in which to demonstrate who was more powerful. That began to change in late November 1989, after the fall of the old Communist leadership and during the change in political régime. The authors explain the principles of the operation of the Federal Assembly and its political composition, and demonstrate how, in the person of its spokesman, Anton Blažej (1927-2013), the Communist majority began to take action in the Federal Assembly, and came out in favour of the principles of democracy and a fully fledged role for the legislature, and eventually became a possible obstacle to the election of Václav Havel (1936-2011) to the Czechoslovak presidency. Events, however, took a different turn. The Civic Forum became the new centre of power, and achieved the decisive position also in the ‘government of national understanding’, which was formed in the Federal Assembly, but without the participation of the deputies to that legislature. The Federal Assembly again quickly became dependent on the executive, and its role did not begin to grow until the spring of 1990, after the Civic Forum was represented there by co-opting new deputies., and Adéla Gjuričová - Tomáš Zahradníček.
The presented study is devoted to the phenomenon of the counterfeiting activity of Oldřich II of Rožmberk (Rosenberg, 1403-1462), particularly newly discovered forgeries and their interpretations. The motivation to create the forgeries was not ony legitimation of the holding of unjustly seized royal properties, but also the creation of the "image" of a fearless warrior against the Hussite opposition. The author combines diplomatic and historical methods to understand the background of creation of the three groups of forgeries related to the royal castle Zvíkov, the ecclesiastical goods of Svéráz and Zátoň and the trial with the nobleman Jan Smil of Křemže., Přemysl Bar., and Obsahue prameny a odkazy pod čarou
This essay aims to describe hitherto unknown notes of aesthetics lectures given by August Gottlieb Meißner (1753-1807) at Prague University. It compares these notes (made by a certain Wagner, and deposited in the Wienbibliothek im Rathaus) with notes deposited in Czech libraries, and seeks to determine their place chronologically amongst notes made by others attending Meißner’s lectures over the years. The most important difference in content between the earlier known notes and Wagner’s is Meißner’s negative attitude towards the Schlegel brothers. This attitude slightly alters our existing notion of his views on the relationship between literature and morality. Taken alone, the collections of notes in Czech libraries had led one to conclude that this Prague ordinarius was an ardent libertine, who dared, even at a conservative Austrian university, to push for the autonomy of art, including a thorough split between art and morality, regarding not only works of art, but also, to a certain extent, the artists themselves. By contrast, the Vienna MS as a matter of priority restricts this split to art, and limits it to the higher, moral aims of the artist as citizen. His approach to questions of morality and to the Schlegel brothers demonstrates that while Meißner considered himself part of the liberally enlightened current of contemporaneous literature, which made moving the emotions the central aim of art, he was no longer an adherent of upandcoming Romanticism with its extreme conviction about unlimited authorial liberty, which stemmed from the philosophical Idealism of the times. This attitude to the Schlegel brothers also suggests that Wagner attended Meißner’s lectures in aesthetics and rhetoric in the winter of 1800/1., Tomáš Hlobil., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy