a1_Původní verze této studie vyšla pod názvem "The Czechoslovak Section of the BBC and the Jews during Second World War" v časopise Yad Vashem Studies, roč. 38, č. 2 (2010), s. 123-153. Článek zkoumá, jakým způsobem a s jakými cíli bylo v československém rozhlasovém vysílání z londýnského exilu do vlasti během války prezentováno téma osudu Židů v okupované Evropě a holokaustu. Autor obecně charakterizuje vlivy, které na československé vysílání v rámci BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation) uplatňovaly britské vládní úřady, a upozorňuje, že informování o nacistické perzekuci Židů na vlnách této rozhlasové stanice je třeba vnímat v kontextu propagandistických záměrů Spojenců - jak Britů, tak československého zahraničního a domácího odboje. Obsah vysílání musel reagovat na nacistickou a kolaborantskou propagandu, vykreslující exilové vlády jako exponenty údajného světového židovského vlivu, a také na vzrůstající antisemitské nálady v domácí veřejnosti. Šlo tedy z pohledu politického exilu o citlivé téma, což vedlo jeho představitele k opatrnému a nepříliš častému připomínání tragédie Židů., a2_Autor se ve své analýze zaměřuje na politické komentáře jako nejvíce vypovídající typ relací vzhledem k danému tématu. Nalézá v nich zřetelnou informativní a humanitární náplň s dvojím akcentem, míněným jednak jako varování Němcům a jednak jako apel na obyvatele ve vlasti k pomoci židovským spoluobčanům. Poukazuje přitom na odlišnou strategii používanou ve vysílání pořadů adresovaných do Protektorátu Čechy a Morava a na Slovensko. Vysílání do protektorátu obsahovalo někdy detailní zprávy o pronásledování Židů, ty byly však spojovány s utrpením českého národa, jehož zájmům se podání informací plně podřizovalo. Zároveň byly zdůrazňovány mravní a demokratické kvality Čechů, projevující se údajně distancí od antisemitismu a solidaritou s obětmi násilí, čímž si měli Češi získávat sympatie a podporu civilizovaného světa. Oproti tomu hlavním záměrem ve vysílání na Slovensko bylo očistit tamní obyvatelstvo od (důvodného) podezření ze sympatií k tamnímu proněmeckému režimu a jeho podílu na holokaustu., a1_The original English version of this article was published under this same title in Yad Vashem Studies, vol. 38 (2010), no. 2, pp. 123-53. The article considers how and why the fate of the Jews in occupied Europe, including the Shoah, was presented by Czechoslovak exiles in London to their homeland during the Second World War. The author outlines the influences that the British governmental authorities had on Czechoslovak transmissions of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), and points out that informing BBC listeners about the Nazi persecution of the Jews must be considered in the context of the propaganda aims of the Allies - both the British and the Czechoslovak resistance at home and abroad. The content of the broadcasts had to react to the propaganda of the Nazis and their collaborators, which depicted the government-in-exile as exponents of the alleged influence of world Jewry, and also to the growing antisemitic feeling in the Protecorate. It was therefore a sensitive topic from the stand point of the politicians in exile, and this led the politicians at the top to make only wary and infrequent references to the tragedy of the Jews. In his analysis, the author focuses on political commentaries, which he considers to provide the best material for his topic. He finds them to be clear, informative and humanitarian, with a dual accent, intended both as a warnfellow citizens. He points to the different strategies used in the transmission of programmes to the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia and those to Slovakia. The transmissions to the Protectorate sometimes contained detailed reports about the persecution of the Jews, but they were linked to the suffering of the Czech nation, to whose interests the provision of information was fully subordinated., a2_The moral and democratic qualities of the Czechs were also emphasized, which were allegedly manifested in the Czechs´ distancing themselves from antisemitism and showing instead their solidarity with the victims of violence, whereby the Czechs were to win the sympathy and support of the civilized world. By contrast, the chief aim of broadcasts to Slovakia was to clear the local population of the well-founded suspicion of their sympathizing with the local pro-German regime and its role in the Soah., Jan Láníček ; Z angličtiny přeložil Vít Smetana., and Obsahuje bibliografii a bibliografické odkazy
Autor ve čtyřech částech knihy pojednává o genealogii československých spartakiád v německém turnerském a českém sokolském hnutí, o rozdílné vizuální symbolice spartakiád v letech padesátých, sedmdesátých a osmdesátých, o jejich organizaci a vztahu společnosti ke spartakiádám. Obsáhlá recenze představuje náplň a hlavní teze knihy, její prameny a teoretická východiska a formuluje některé polemické soudy. Klíčem k interpretaci fenoménu masových gymnastických vystoupení různých věkových, sociálních a profesních, genderově rozdělených skupin obyvatelstva na stadionech v českých zemích a Československu od druhé poloviny 19. století do devadesátých let století dvacátého je pro autora mnohotvárná analýza politické symboliky těla a jeho pohybu, reprezentujícího ideály jednoty národního společenství či socialistické společnosti. Pečlivě doložená faktografie, erudované využití různých teoretických konceptů, argumentační přesvědčivost a jasný styl vytvářejí podle recenzenta kompaktní, komplexní, podnětnou a poutavou monografii. Recenzent pouze lituje, že nezohlednil široký kontext podobných masových rituálů v dalších zemích sovětského bloku, ale i jinde, z nějž by jasněji vyplynula světová jedinečnost československých spartakiád. Vede také polemiku s jeho přesvědčením, že komunistický režim v Československu nebyl totalitní, a shledává argumenty pro opačné tvrzení v jiném pohledu na roli a působení politických rituálů typu spartakiády ve vztahu ke společnosti., In his four-part book Czechoslovak spartakiads, the author deals with the genenalogy of Czechoslovak spartakiads in the German Turner and Czech Sokol movements, different visual symbolism of the spartakiads in the 1950s, 1970s, and 1980s, the organization of spartakiads, and the relation of the society to them. The extensive review presents the content and leading principles of the book, as well as its sources and theoretical foundations, and formulates some polemic arguments. The key of the author´s interpretation ot the phenomenon of the mass gymnastics event of different age, social and professional, gender-differentiated groups of population in arenas in the Czech Lands and Czechoslovakia since the second half of the 19th century until the 1990s is a multifaceted analysis of the political symbolism of the body and its movements as a representation of ideals of the unity of the nation and the socialist society. In the reviewer´s opinion the book´s meticulously documented factography, erudite use of different theoretical concepts, convincing argumentation and clear style have resulted in a compact, comprehensive inspiring and attractive monograph. The reviewer only regrets that the author did not reflect a broad context of similar mass rituals in other countries of the Soviet Bloc and elsewhere to show the globally unique character of the Czechoslovak spartakiads.The reviewer also argues against the author´s conviction that the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia was not totalitarian, presenting arguments for an opposite opinion in a different view of the role and effect of political rituals such as the spartakiads in relation to the society., [autor recenze] Karol Szymański ; Z polštiny přeložila Helena Komárková., and Obsahuje bibliografii a bibliografické odkazy
a1_Východiskem článku je pojem ''národní cesty k socialismu'' ve svých dvou základních významech, tedy politickotaktickém i teoretickém. Jeho cílem je ukázat na českém příkladu komplikovaný a dynamický vývoj ústředních témat ''ideologických vichřic'' dvacátého století kondenzovaných v pojmech ''revoluce'' a ''národní emancipace''. Autor se zaměřuje na dva významné české komunistické politické myslitele a aktivisty - historika, muzikologa a ministra v československých poválečných vládách Zdeňka Nejedlého (1878-1962) a na filozofa a esejistu Karla Kosíka (1926-2003) - kteří reprezentují dvě odlišné existenční, generační a intelektuální reakce české radikální levice na výzvy své doby. Oba se pokusili svým vlastním, osobitým způsobem formulovat předpoklady a koncepční rámce české či československé "národní cesty" k socialismu, ale též varovat před jejími úskalími. Zatímco Zdeněk Nejedlý svou těsně poválečnou koncepcí československých komunistů jako dědiců pokrokových národních tradic aktualizoval především odkaz husitské revoluce a národního obrození 19. století v kontextu komunistické kulturní politiky, vcelku úspěšně jej propojil se snahami komunistické strany o historickou legitimizaci své vlády a vytvořil tak oficiální osnovu výkladu českých dějin autoritativně platnou po celá padesátá léta minulého století,, a2_Karel Kosík se nejprve pokusil z radikálně levicových pozic o vypracování alternativní, implicitně polemické koncepce národní revoluční kontinuity, která hledala inspiraci u českých radikálních demokratů a v jejich revolučním vystoupení z roku 1848, aby se od konce padesátých let stal jedním z představitelů marxistického revizionismu v Československu, filozofickým kritikem stalinismu a dehumanizace moderního člověka pod tlakem abstraktních ideologií a mocensko-byrokratických aparátů a nakonec si získal pověst filozofa pražského jara 1968. Autor neusiluje o vyčerpávající portrét obou těchto osobností, nýbrž o charakteristiku základních kontur jejich řešení dilematu mezi národně partikulárním a revolučně univerzálním, jemuž čelili a s nímž se museli tak či onak vyrovnávat všichni komunističtí a radikálněsocialističtí myslitelé jejich doby. Myšlenkový a tvůrčí vývoj obou osobností je přitom zasazen do širších politických souvislostí doby od konce druhé světové války do pražského jara 1968., a1_In this article the author starts from the notion of ''national road to Socialism'' in its two fundamental meanings - the political-tactical and the theoretical. He seeks to demonstrate, usig the Czech example, the complicated dynamic development of the central themes of the ''ideological whirlwinds'' of the twentieth century which are concentrated in the terms ''revolution'' and ''national emancipation''. To this end he focuses on two important Czech Communist political thinkers and activists - the historian, musicologist, and minister in post-war Czechoslovak governments, Zdeněk Nejedlý (1878-1962), and the philosopher and essayist KIarel Kosík (1926-2003) - each of whom, with regard to their generation and their lives in general, represents a different Czech radical left-wing intellectual approach to the challenges of his times. Each man, in his own distinctive way, sought to formulate the prerequisites and conceptual framework of the Czechoslovak, or Czech "national road" to Socialism, but also to warn about pirfalls. With his early post-Second World War conception of Czechoslovak Communists as the heirs of progressive national traditions, Nejedlý sought to show how the legacy of the Hussite revolution of the fifteenth century and the National Awakening of the nineteenth century was currently relevant to Communist policy. Indeed, on the whole he succeeded in linking it with Communist Party efforts to achieve the historical legitimation of their government and thus create the official framework of the interpretation of Czech history which remained authoritatively valid throughout the 1950s., a2_Kosík, by contrast, first attempted, from radically left-wing positions, to work out alternative, implicitly polemical conceptions of national revolutionary continuity, which sought inspiration amongst Czech radical democrats and their revolutionary expression in 1848, and he thus became, from the late 1950s, one of the chief representatives of Marxist revisionism in Czechoslovakia, a philosopher-critic of Stalinism and the dehumanization of modern man and woman under the pressure of abstract ideologies and the apparatus of power and the bureaucracy, eventually earning the reputation of the philosopher of the Prague Spring of 1968. The author does not seek to portray these two figures exhaustively, instead, his aim is to provide the basic contours of how each tried to solve the dilemma between tne nationally particular and the revolutionarily universal, which all Communist and radical Socialist thinkers of their time faced and somehow had to come to terms with. The author sets the intellectual and creative development of these two figures into the wider political context from the end of the Second World War to the Prague Spring., Michal Kopeček., and Obsahuje bibliografii a bibliografické odkazy
The article reviews the research on travelling and tourism in
Czechoslovakia from 1945 till the end of the communist regime in 1989. The attention is paid to three elementary dimensions. The
first part points out some of the limits of existing research which during the last seventy years was formed through the specific discipline of Czech tourism research. Second part is tackling some of the current problems and challenges in the research, particularly the questions connected with relevant sources. The third part
outlines some basic topics, along which the future research on travelling and tourism can be structured. and Článek zahrnuje poznámový aparát pod čarou
Using results of extensive research in central and company archives, the author studies the cleansing of industrial plants from collaborationists and so-called anti-social elements in Czechoslovakia in 1945. He describes it as a standard-setting process during which the form of a new revolutionary value system and guilt criteria in relation to the occupation past arising therefrom were negotiated and established in practice in factories and plants. Both escalated nationalism and social egalitarianism, sometimes developing into class antagonism, found their use in it. In addition to acts prosecuted under offi cial legislation, the cleansing process incorporated various minor confl icts of employees during the occupation, in particular disputes between subordinates and superiors. For this reason, mainly top-ranking white collars, human resource offi cers, rate setters, and shop foremen were removed from their positions. The articulation of guilt of the above group also worked as an absolution of others, particularly rank-and-fi le workers and white collars, atthe symbolic and psychological level. The selected guilt criteria were subsequently becoming a part of the legitimization pattern of the ongoing revolution. The study illustrates how company councils, acting through investigation commissions which, nevertheless, had to create their own legal rules as they had no position or status defi ned in offi cial legislation, were trying, since mid-May 1945, to regulate, formalize, and unify initial spontaneous actions of employees. However, the legal uncertainty in factories led to a decline of respect to superiors, deterioration of working morale, and devaluation of expertise. In mid-July 1945, organs of the Revolutionary Trade Union Movement intervened into the cleansing process, as they were interested in improving the performance of the nationalized industry. Appeal chambers were established at regional trade union councils as second-instance bodies deciding disputes submitted by industrial plants. In doing so, they were demanding a higher quality of submitted legal documents and supporting assigning the individuals affected by the cleansing to adequate working positions in the production process. In October 1945, results of the company cleansing process were incorporated, under the pressure of trade unions, into offi cial legislation under the so-called Small Retribution Decree. The resulting legal framework was thus an apparent compromise between pre-war legal conventions and moral criteria established during the May 1945 revolution. and Přeložil Jiří Mareš
This article focuses on the long-term trends in the development of social policy between the First World War and the mid-1950s. The author begins by summarising the main ideas of his own previous articles and books. He emphasises the continuity and discontinuity in the general conception of Czechoslovak social policy in this period. He also considers conceptual questions, particularly those that would help to explain how the basic terms are employed in historical analysis. The article moves between the two poles of the construction of causality - structural explanation and voluntaristic explanation. The content of the article can be aptly summed up in a neat metaphor: from Bismarck by way of Beveridge to Stalin. In personifi ed form, this shortcut expresses the long-term development of Czechoslovak social policy: from an emphasis on principles of merit, characteristic of the traditional German and Austrian social insurance schemes, by way of a considerably more egalitarian national insurance from 1948 (strongly infl uenced by the British system), to the Soviet model of social security, which developed from 1951 to 1956. The article also considers important changes in social legislation in the Czechoslovak Republic in this period, including the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia.
This article focuses on the early post-1989 period when the ''Slovak question'' returned with full force to the gradually democratizing political arena and surprised Czech society and its budding political elite, who were both unprepared to address the question. The author reveals the imbalance of ''Czechoslovakism'' - its story and historical lesson - between the two sides of the once united country. In Slovakia, Czechoslovakism was ''part of the living language of politics and journalism of the Slovak experience,'' whilst in Czech society, its reception was lukewarm and superfi cial. Thanks to his insight into federal and republican politics in the early days of democratic revival, the author presents his readers with a fascinating breakdown of the factual-historic presence of Czechoslovakism at a time when its word-historical presence was minimal. He analyzes how Slovakia stepped into democracy by exercising its national sovereignty in federal structures and played as active a role as ever in Czech-Slovak relations. Meanwhile, the Czech side remained merely reactive. In contrast to the Slovak scene, Czechs were engaged in a ''politics of returns,'' buttressed by a resolutely idealized image of the First Republic and a renewed spirit of ''Czechoslovakness,'' which was deceptively refreshing for Czech society. These were two political worlds, able to fi nd a common denominator only with great effort. The author explains that Czech politics were de facto forced - by the Slovaks, who were developing federal principles and creating policies for national sovereignty - into lackluster policy-making of their own national sovereignty. Even so, these forced politics had their advocates, such as national-socialist politicians in the Czech National Council at that time. and Překlad Tereza Jonášová a Kathleen Geaney