Mezi hlavní zájmy politiků patří politická, finanční i legislativní podpora svých volebních obvodů či bydlišť. Článek se pokouší odhalit pravidelnosti v prostorovém vzorci poslaneckých dotací, o kterých poslanci rozhodovali během projednávání návrhu státního rozpočtu v Poslanecké sněmovně (porcování medvěda), na základě analýzy významu lokalizace poslaneckých trvalých bydlišť pro jejich alokaci. Na úrovni okresů byla provedena analýza korelace dat přijatých pozměňovacích návrhů poslanců k návrhu státního rozpočtu ze sněmovních tisků a lokalizace poslaneckých trvalých bydlišť z volební databáze Českého statistického úřadu. Na úrovni obcí byly metodou lokálního indikátoru prostorové asociace LISA odhaleny prostorové shluky vysoké a nízké podpory poslaneckými dotacemi, které byly následně na půdorysu obvodů obcí s rozšířenou působností porovnány s trvalými bydlišti poslanců. Jejich rozmístění v několika případech odpovídalo příjmu poslaneckých dotací, obecná závislost se však nepotvrdila., Political, financial and legislative support of one’s own constituency or home location belongs to the main interests of politicians. The paper attempts to identify a spatial pattern in pork barrel grants allocated during the endorsement of draft state budgets by the Chamber of Deputies. The factor of deputies’ home locations is analysed. Correlation analysis at district level exploits Parliamentary Gazette data on approved deputies’ amendments to the draft state budget and a list of deputies’ home municipalities from electoral database of the Czech Statistical Office. At municipal level, a local indicator of spatial autocorrelation was employed to discover several spatial clusters of high and low pork barrel support, which was compared with deputies’ home locations. Although several pork barrel grants were allocated to these locations, no general correlation was confirmed., David Hána, Marie Feřtrová., and Seznam literatury
The above was the front page slogan under which the periodical Public Opinion appeared in the years 1946 - 1948. Its publisher was the Czechoslovak Institute for Public Opinion Research. The monthly was intended for both the professional as for the general public. It was published with 15 to 34 pages. It contained theoretical and methodological articles by foremost Czech sociologist as well as by international representatives of the field. It contains plentiful information about international cooperation between institutes of public opinion research and about Europe and World conferences of the time. In the section “Research at Home” there appear extended analyses as well as brief reports about current Czech research. The section “Research Abroad” brings manifold research information concerning both various topics and different countries. The last issue of the monthly appeared in January 1948 and the Institute was abolished in 1950. In spite of the complicated political situation, the publishers and authors of the periodical strove to maintain the journal’s profile as a theoretical popularizing periodical in a democratic state., „Fašismus nařizuje - demokracie se ptá“ tento trochu zavádějící název článku čtenáře seznámí s oborovým časopisem Veřejné mínění, který vycházel v letech 1946 - 1948 a jehož motto bylo právě „Fašismus nařizuje - demokracie se ptá“. Jeho vydavatelem byl Československý ústav pro výzkum veřejného mínění, který byl na jaře 1946 zřízen jako oddělení I. odboru ministerstva informací. Významnou roli při vzniku tohoto pracoviště sehrál spisovatel Josef Kopta, který byl v té době přednostou I. odboru ministerstva informací. Byl ostatně autorem motta časopisu [Adamec 1996: 49]. V tomto článku autorka přibližuje komu byl časopis určen, jaká byla jeho obsahová témata nebo jaké výzkumy byly prováděny výzkumným oddělením., Eliška Jungová., and Seznam literatury
Building on historical narrative and social-theoretical analysis, Fraser explores the place of second-wave feminism in relation to three specific moments in the history of capitalism. The first point refers to the movement’s beginnings in the context of ‘state-organized capitalism’. The second point refers to the process of feminism’s evolution in the dramatically changed social context of rising neoliberalism. And the third point refers to a possible reorientation of feminism in the present context of capitalist crisis and US political realignment, which for her could mark the beginning of a shift from neoliberalism to a new form of social organization. Orienting her analysis around four key points of feminist critique-androcentrism, economism, étatism and Westphalianism-Fraser charts a fascinating journey of second-wave feminism since the 1960s to identify a “dangerous liaison” second-wave feminism developed with capitalism. She concludes that in order to reclaim second-wave feminism as a robust critique conjoining both claims for recognition and redistribution- which were unlinked during the period of rising neoliberalism-eminism needs to become more historically self-aware., Nancy Fraser ; přeložila Marcela Linková., and Přeloženo z : New Left Review 56/2009
While gender has gained serious credit on the international development research and policy agenda, this is not reflected in Czech development studies. Likewise, the situation of women living in the developing world has been tackled by Czech gender studies only occasionally. This lack of attention from both Czech academia and Czech civil society is owing to the slow reconstruction of both interdisciplines during the transition and to the prevailing liberalism of Czech society. Even though links between gender and poverty are reflected in the mainstream discourse of international organizations, the author criticizes their underlying liberal assumptions from the viewpoint of feminist economics without acknowledging the capacity of post-modern feminists to tackle lived poverty. While grassroots women’s movements in the South reveal diverse theoretical backgrounds, in Czech development cooperation gender is only formally reflected in policy and operational documents. The author demonstrates this strong gender blindness through the example of a presumably gender neutral project on agricultural education in Angola. Czech development cooperation has supported only a few gender projects, which were intended especially for at risk women. In conclusion, the author advocates mainstreaming the gender perspective into Czech development cooperation and, by extending the scope of feminist standpoint theory, argues that the development constituency cannot be genuinely pro-poor without paying special attention to women and the gender constituency cannot pretend to defend women’s rights without paying attention to the poor living in the South., Ondřej Horký., and Obsahuje bibliografii