This article is based on long-term study of the relationship between time and space. It does not conceive space as a dimensionless, empty, and homogeneous container but draws instead on the concept of place as unique and meaningful. The conceptualisation of place is thus based on the classic works of the humanist geographers Yi-Fu Tuan and Edward Relph, who consider place to be integral, enclosed, and determinable. The issue of the determinability of integral and still meaningful place is examined using Michel Foucault’s concept of heterotopia. A certain place in a city is linked to a number of other places, which in a way then become present in that place. The place cannot be considered a homotopia but, on the contrary, is a heterotopia. Place can also be conceived from a temporal point of view. Various times (rhythms) blend in a place and they refer to processes that were taking place in other (even temporally very remote) times. Similarly, just as place can be spatially considered a heterotopia, temporally it may be considered a heterochronia. The term heterochronotopia is used to refer to a place that opens out both spatially to other places and temporally to other times. Empirically the article focuses on one selected place in the post-socialist and post-industrial city of Brno (Czech Republic). The article seeks to (1) identify links connecting the researched place to other sites and times and to (2) describe the selected place as a system of associations. The research combines a very wide range of methods such as direct observation, informal interviews, and analyses of historical documents, photos, public transport timetables, etc. The article thus offers an example of a dense description of a place as a temporally or spatially undeterminable entity, provides material for critical reflection on the assumption that urban place is enclosed and determinable, and introduces ‘heterochronotopia’ as a new concept referring to a spatially and temporally undetermined place in a contemporary city.
During the medieval and early modern eras, most of the European urban authorities intended to rule their cities for the «common good», together with respecting the social hierarchy and privileged status. In the 18th century, however, many voices raised for improving the urban policing and reforming old regulations. Most of police officers claimed for equality of every inhabitant with regards to local police ordinances and petty police courts. But even if the urban rules agreed with their arguments for a more efficient policing, they could not prescribe an equality that would overthrow the Ancien Régime’s social order. Brussels in the 18th century is a good example of this contradiction. It was there impossible to reform the policing for the foreigners nor to create a professional night-watch, because of the strong reluctance of the city aldermen to abandon social privileges which were seen as fundamental freedoms of the country., Catherine Denys ; translated by Laura Bennett., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
Urbanization of poverty in developing countries. Urbanization of poverty is a complex process which includes various interactions between poverty and growth of urban population. In quantitative terms, it reflects not only the rural-urban migration but also the growth of cities associated with the incorporation of surrounding rural areas and natural population increase within the cities. Moreover, it also includes many important qualitative changes resulting from different nature of rural and urban lifestyles.
Urbanization is one of the most extreme forms of land transformation. It is supposed to change the frequencies of species trait states in species assemblages. We hypothesize that the flora of urban and rural areas differs in the frequency of trait states and ask which traits enable a plant to cope with the urban environment. We tested our hypothesis in Germany, which was divided into grid-cells of ca 130 km2. We distinguished urbanized (with more than 33% urban land use; n = 59), agricultural (with more than 50% agricultural land use; n = 1365) and semi-natural (with more than 50% forest and semi-natural land use; n = 312) grid-cells and calculated the proportions of plant species per trait state in each grid-cell. Multiple linear regressions explained the log-transformed ratio of one proportion to another with land use (urban, agricultural, semi-natural) and the environmental parameters (climate, topography, soils and geology). Additionally, linear mixed effect models accounted for the effects of land use and biogeography and differences in sample size of the three grid-cell types. Urbanized and rural areas showed clear differences in the proportion of trait states. Urbanized grid-cells had e.g., higher proportions of wind-pollinated plants, plants with scleromorphic leaves or plants dispersed by animals, and lower proportions of insect-pollinated plants, plants with hygromorphic leaves or plants dispersed by wind than other grid-cells. Our study shows that shifts in land use can change the trait state composition of plant assemblages. Far-reaching urbanization might consequently homogenize our flora with respect to trait state frequency.
Carabid abundance, species richness and diversity were compared along an urban-rural gradient in Helsinki, Finland. Increased urbanization was found to result in significant reductions in species richness, though the reductions in abundance and diversity were not statistically significant. Forest habitat-specialist species were scarce in rural sites and virtually absent from urban and suburban sites. There was no evidence of higher diversity at intermediate disturbance levels (suburban sites), as predicted by the intermediate disturbance hypothesis. Species with flight ability and the ability to utilize open habitat were more predominant in urban and suburban sites. Flightless species were more predominant in rural and suburban sites. Carabid abundance data were sufficient to reveal the negative impact of urbanization, so similar studies could be conducted in regions where carabid taxonomy is poorly known. Species composition patterns do, however, provide invaluable information. To conclude, if biodiversity is to be maintained in urban areas, priority must be given to the provision of those habitat features which are essential for sensitive species, such as decaying wood and wet microhabitats. These must be incorporated into urban green networks in particular, if biodiversity and species other than common generalists are to benefit from them.