The aim of the present study is to trace an interpretation of Rousseau’s novel Julie ou la Nouvelle Heloise on the basis of the difference between love and friendship. Starting with a brief reminder of Paul de Man’s interpretation of this novel in Allegories of Reading, the author turns to Jacques Derrida and borrows a key neologism from his book The Politics of Friendship: aimance or lovence, an affective modality which blurs and transcends the duality of love and friendship. On this basis, the author presents a few remarks concerning the literary form of the novel, the configuration of its characters and finally the place of Rousseau’s Julie in the context of his other works. Rather than being an isolated literary work, Julie seems to be an attempt to answer certain questions concerning the relation between individual and society from a different angle than that chosen in The Social Contract., Etienne Balibar ; překlad Josef Fulka., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
The second half of the 18th century marked an extraordinary flowering of music, especially church music in the Czech lands. Monastic churches, in particular, were characterised by a high level of music production performed by choral scholars whose liturgical music was conducted by chosen monks. Some members of religious orders also composed. These were for example M. J. Haberhauer (1746-1799), a member of the Benedictine order situated in Rajhrad near Brno and P. J. Marek (1748-1806) who belonged to the Augustinian monastery in Brno. Both of them got a musical education as choral scholars and remained musically active also after entering orders. Eventually these two authors both performed as chorregents in the 70’s and early 80’s of the 18th century and they collected sacred and secular pieces of music of their more famous and popular contemporaries (C. Ditters, F. X. Brixi, Haydn, etc.). Apart from a few exceptions they were only composing liturgical works. Haberhauer bequeathed 90 compositions, most of whom composed of Mass for choir and solo accompanied with instrumental ensemble as well as vespers and motets. Marek, however, composed only 21 church compositions and most of them consist of Marian antiphons and litanies of Loreto. These were necessary at the Augustinians, given the honor rendered to the picture of Virgin Mary placed in their church. The two monasteries ran a mutual cooperation which can be proved by Haberhauer music collection preserved at Augustinians in Brno. Haberhauer work can be also found in the collections of other Moravian churches and also at Prague Benedictine order. While Marek’s compositions were exclusively connected to the Augustinian monastery in Brno. Their pieces of music are purely purposeful showing features of a musical classicism. Lives and works of both composers are now the subject of research of the author and of Pavel Žůrek from the Ins, Irena Veselá., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
The aim of this study is to show how the emotions - in particular the so-called "passions of the soul" - were understood and interpreted in the medical thinking of the late Enlightenment. We focus chiefly on three innovations in 18th century medicine: the "discovery" of the neuro-cerebral system (the ’birth’ of neurology); the search for the "seat" of illnesses in particular organs (the "birth" of pathological anatomy); and the gradual separation of the body and the soul as objects of medical enquiry (the "birth of psychiatry). We consider whether, and to what extent, these innovations contributed to the breakdown of the "old" diagnostic paradigms of the "passions of the soul", or whether in fact they helped to maintain them. We also discuss to what extent the consideration of these passions fostered a new approach to the relationship between the body and the soul in Enlightenment medicine. Some of the phenomena studied are illustrated by specific examples of (erotic) love and melancholy. and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
The aim of this paper is to point out that the growing need for well‐educated citizens in the increasingly bureaucratized 18th Century, in itself a wellknown phenomenon, should be seen in a wider context. First, we must consider how it relates to the gradual emergence of the modern European nationstate; and secondly, to the cultural and political consequences of social stratification. In nations with a cohesive social structure and, in some cases, a tradition of statehood, the growing numbers and importance of the new intelligentsia were primarily the result of an expansion of existing elites drawing on their own social class. In emerging nations formed largely through nationalist movements, on the other hand, the process was accompanied by the upward mobility of young men from the middle and lower middle classes. In some nations, such as the Czechs and the Finns, these were often the sons of petit bourgeois and artisan families; but in the majority of cases the emergent national intelligentsia found its recruits chiefly among farmers and the rural population as a whole (Lithuania, Estonia). Understandably, this distinction led to differences in the formation of national stereotypes, political cultures and attitudes to social organization. The use of the term "plebeian intelligentsia" in this context is meant as a typological characteristic rather than a pejorative label., Miroslav Hroch., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
This study examines the taxation policy of Maria Theresa as evidenced by the situation in Bohemia. A fundamental measure that opened the way for subsequent developments was the passing of the ten-year compact (or "Rezess", as it was known), by the Bohemian parliament in 1748. This law guaranteed a fixed total tax contribution (5,488,155 gulders, 58 crowns) in return for a guarantee that the empress would not demand extra levies, even in the event of war. With the outbreak of the Seven Years’ War, however, the situation changed and in 1756 demands were made for exceptional taxes, military recruits, loans to the state budget, etc. Meanwhile the guarantee of a fixed total tax under the ten-year compact continued to apply. The Treaty of Hubertusburg (1763) brought no relief, as Maria Theresa asked parliament to approve not only an extension of the compact for the following military year, but new exceptional taxes and the reimposition of certain existing indirect taxes. These obligations, together with an increased tax burden in rural communities, remained in place until 1775, when a new ten-year compact was negotiated that lasted until 1789., Jan Lhoták., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
Under Maria Theresa, the provincial courts in Moravia continued to operate along the lines set out in the judicial reforms of 1620-1650. Although the reform efforts of the Theresian system had little direct effect on them, the character of these courts did gradually change. By the early 1740s they were inundated with a backlog of unresolved cases that rendered them slow and unwieldy. Following the cancellation of inactive disputes, however, the number of open cases started to drop rapidly, and by the 1760s the provincial court was accepting an absolute minimum of new lawsuits. This was due less to any restrictions imposed by the state than to a lack of interest among the nobility in pursuing claims in the court. The provincial court continued to sit twice a year, but the reduction in the number of cases meant that the number of sessions in each judicial period also fell considerably. The nearly fifty cases heard by the provincial court in the reign of Maria Theresa were, however, similar in scope to those we are familiar with from the preceding period - property-related lawsuits among the nobility, disputes between monasteries and towns, criminal cases and claims by subject communities against their own landlords. Significant changes can also be discerned in the makeup of the courts, with judges being appointed on the basis of their legal training rather than their social standing or other "merits" and, generally, a far closer correspondence to other types of Theresian court, particularly the royal tribunal. There thus ceased to be a meaningful distinction between the royal and provincial judicial systems in the Theresian period., Jiří David., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
The study is based on an analysis of content and themes of the correspondence of the wellknown Enlightenment Era "provincial intellectual", a bank clerk from Čáslav Jan Ferdinand Opiz (1741-1812), with a country priest from the highlands on the border of Bohemia and Moravia, Karel Killar (1745-1806). Their correspondence - in most part hitherto unstudied - is deposited in the National Museum in Prague. It consists of more than 300 letters, written over a long period of 16 years (1793-1806), and it is fascinating for several reasons: it is conducted in French, which represents one of the very rare testimonies of a good knowledge of French in some members of other classes than the nobility in the 18th and 19th centuries; in this case, the use of French can be read as an implicit adherence to (French) Enlightenment, and perhaps even to the principles of the French Revolution. And it is the Enlightenment, the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars around which the entire correspondence revolves. Thanks to this we may not only form a deeper and more nuanced insight into Opitz, a wellknown sympathizer of the French Revolution, but also into the lesser known figure of Killar, a man of universal education and an Enlightenment era priest of Josephine stamp, who tried to integrate both the Enlightenment and the French Revolution within his firm Christian (Catholic) worldview., Daniela Tinková., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
This paper considers forms of cultural transfer in decorative design in Central Europe in the second half of the 18th century, focussing on works that combine aspects of both free creative art and artisan craftsmanship. Based on a detailed analysis of a number of works (or parts thereof), the authors show that trends in decoration that had hitherto been broadly interpreted as a somewhat uninventive adoption of fashionable French graphic pattern-books and picture albums in the "goût grec" style (Jean-François de Neufforge, Jean-Charles Delafosse et al.) in fact represented an innovative quest for an original modern synthesis taking its inspiration from classical Roman art (Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Giocondo Albertolli, Carlo Antonini) and developing ideas emerging from the recently introduced teaching of artistic design at the Vienna Academy and from circles close to the imperial court (Johann Baptist Hagenauer, Ignaz Josef Würth et al.). The whole phenomenon in considered within the wider context of official cultural policy at the time of Maria Teresa’s and Joseph II’s economic and administrative reforms and is interpreted as one of a number of processes and strategies which, for various reasons, led to a reduction in transcultural transfer. Decorative design in Central Europe in the latter half of the 18th century thus paid more than lip-service to the ideal of universal culture in the sense of transculturality, interpreting it in a specifically local, middle-European and to some extent "nationalized" way - and, from a historical perspective, with extraordinary success., Pavel Suchánek a Tomáš Valeš., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
This essay aims to describe hitherto unknown notes of aesthetics lectures given by August Gottlieb Meißner (1753-1807) at Prague University. It compares these notes (made by a certain Wagner, and deposited in the Wienbibliothek im Rathaus) with notes deposited in Czech libraries, and seeks to determine their place chronologically amongst notes made by others attending Meißner’s lectures over the years. The most important difference in content between the earlier known notes and Wagner’s is Meißner’s negative attitude towards the Schlegel brothers. This attitude slightly alters our existing notion of his views on the relationship between literature and morality. Taken alone, the collections of notes in Czech libraries had led one to conclude that this Prague ordinarius was an ardent libertine, who dared, even at a conservative Austrian university, to push for the autonomy of art, including a thorough split between art and morality, regarding not only works of art, but also, to a certain extent, the artists themselves. By contrast, the Vienna MS as a matter of priority restricts this split to art, and limits it to the higher, moral aims of the artist as citizen. His approach to questions of morality and to the Schlegel brothers demonstrates that while Meißner considered himself part of the liberally enlightened current of contemporaneous literature, which made moving the emotions the central aim of art, he was no longer an adherent of upandcoming Romanticism with its extreme conviction about unlimited authorial liberty, which stemmed from the philosophical Idealism of the times. This attitude to the Schlegel brothers also suggests that Wagner attended Meißner’s lectures in aesthetics and rhetoric in the winter of 1800/1., Tomáš Hlobil., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
Between the Baroque and Romanticism attitudes to death and the discursive framework of the emotional experience of dying fundamentally changed among the Catholic high nobility. The ideal baroque death was supposed to take the form of an extreme point at which the dying person confessed their sins through theatrical gestures and utterances. The deathbed ritual explicitly confirmed the denominational and spiritual orientation of the family. In succeeding generations, both aristocrats and commoners were expected to be confirmed in that orientation by a written and iconographic testimony rich in symbols. Romanticism, on the other hand, imbued the process of dying with sentiment, loving care and family cohesion, which among the high nobility brought solace and a peaceful death. Finally, between the Baroque and Romanticism the relative status of private and public experience of the last moments changed. The Baroque "theatrical" deathbed, which was presented with the central figure of the dying individual and the priest, was a public event. Gradually it changed into a more intimate, quiet contemplation with only a few witnesses gathered in the family circle. Moreover, the doctor came to replace the priest as the chief attendant at the dying person’s bedside. What remained unchanged was the anxious determination to conform to expected patterns of behaviour. By trying to fulfil the contemporary ideal of a "good death", the counts of Martinice and the princes of Schwarzenberg tried to affirm their unique position in Bohemian (and European) aristocratic society. Their emotional experience of death was intended to serve as an example to their descendants and form one of the constitutive elements of the family’s collective memory., Václav Grubhoffer, Josef Kadeřábek., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy