The current text resumes the topic of fertility rituals in Japan. This part of the entire article deals primarily with two protective village deities, the Dösojin, residing at entrance points to the village and thus overseeing all activity and movement to and from the village itself. The Dösojin thus have the capacity to control and influence everyday life of the villagers in the supernatural field, including new year festivities connected with fertility rituals. The current text not only introduces the shape of the two-day festival but also contributes to a deeper understanding of the issue in question by providing a complex insight into the symbolism and contextual meaning of the performance of the ritual itself., Zuzana Kubovčáková., and Obsahuje bibliografii
The article researches recent violent events in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in north-western People's Republic of China. After briefly positioning the Xinjiang problem within modern Chinese geopolitical statecraft and summarizing the sixty years of Communist Party's administration of the region, the article examines and challenges the Chinese authorities' argument that all violence in prosperous and stable Xinjiang is perpetrated by Uyghur separatists, extremists and terrorists linked to international networks. The article also argues that it is equally hardly possible to view the Xinjiang violence exclusively as Uyghur national liberation struggle, and instead claims that the current situation is a complex phenomenon stemming from the failure of state's policies and strategies vis-à-vis Xinjiang. Due to the region's rising importance for China, the unsolved Xinjiang problem thus poses a pressing dilemma for the new Xi Jinping administration. Primary sources of the research are official Chinese documents, foreign media reports and Uyghur exile sources., Ondřej Klimeš., and Obsahuje bibliografii
Čínské periferie, často obývané množstvím různorodých nečínských etnik, byly hranicí mezi dvěma odlišnými světy. Čína se povašovala za nositelku civilizace, obyvatele příhraničních regionů vnímala jako součást neprostupné barbarské temnoty. Pohraničí bylo pro Čínu nesmírně důležitou, zároveň však problematickou oblastí. Císařský dvůr vyvíjel na periferie neustálý tlak, jímž se je snažil sevřít do svých kulturních a ideologických vzorců. Vlivní obyvatelé okrajových oblastí byli tímto mocenským centrem zjevně přitahování, sounáležitost s "civilizací" pro ně totiž otevírala mnoho nových ekonomických i politických možností, zároveň však nechtěli opustit své tradice a způsob života. Čína tak musela vyvinout zvláštní a pružný způsob vlády, aby tyto citlivé oblasti nepřímo ovládla a zároveň nemusela na jejich kontrolu vynakládat zbytečně mnoho ekonomických a vojenských prostředků., The present paper outlines the origins, changes and the development of systems of indirect rule in Southwest China. The final stage in the development of this political mechanism was the so-called "native chieftain system" (ch. tusi zhidu), through which the central court managed the peripheral regions of its empire during the Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties. The paper focuses on the development of these systems of indirect rule from the Zhou dynasty (11th century BC) to the beginning of the 20th century. The native chieftain system was a turning point in the history of the approach to indirect rule, which was implemented by the Mongolians in the 13th century. They took advantage of the Chinese experience with the "haltered and bridled prefectures system" (Ch. jimi zhidu) adding their own features. During the Ming and Qing dynasties many native chieftains (ch. tusi) were agents of the court, through whom the process of sinicization, and therefore colonization, was practiced. These processes were de facto copleted in the first half of the 18th century, during the role of the emperor Yongzheng. The paper further concludes that many of the features of modern national policy of the PRC were inherited from the political and geographical structure of the native chieftain system. Within the paper, relevant terminology has been translated into Czech in order to support future research initiatives., Jan Karlach., and Obsahuje bibliografii
The Chinese writing system is distinguished by a three-level graphic structure. The lowest unit is a stroke, the highest a whole character. The structure unit between these two levels might possess a relatively complicated arrangement which could be analyzed from different points of view. With regard to this possibility, different terms could be used to express the specific approaches. However, the Chinese grammatologists are not quite of one mind in the usage of these terms. The aim of this article is to point out the diversity of possible approaches that could be used while analyzing the complex arrangement of the graphic level between stroke and character. The concepts of Su Peicheng, Wang Ning, Pan Jun and Yang Runlu will be presented. Their attitudes provide a representative sample of the standpoint of modern grammatology., Tereza Slaměníková., and Obsahuje bibliografii
The article summarizes the development of the Turkish political cartoon from Ottoman period and focuses on political cartoons in the satirical magazine Penguen during the venets related to Gezi park in Istanbul this year. The goal of the article is to show the importance of the satirical press in Turkey, its role as a forum for oppositional opinions and as a conveyor of uncensored news. It also tires to answer the question of how much the tense political situation affects political cartoons., Petra Sedmíková., and Obsahuje bibliografii
In May and June 2013 Turkey witnessed one of the longest and biggest social unrests in its modern history. Protesters all around the country rebelled against the government's authoritarian tendencies and police violence, exemplified by the hars treatment of activists resisting the reshaping of Istanbul's favorite Taksim Square and the adjacent Gezi Park. This essay address the origins, development and outcomes of the Turkish "Occupy Gezi" movement. It seeks the roots of the movement on three interdependent levels centered around the uses and misuses of public space and the instrumentalization of civil society in the hegemonical political discourse. Accordingly, the demonstrations are analyzed as (1) a critique of neoliberal developmentarism in Turkey, reflected in the marketization/commodification of public space and the destruction of the envoronment; (2) as a critique of the majoritarian, non-inclusive concept of democracy that accompanies neoliberal economic policies in Turkey and has manifested itself in the attempt to appropriate public space and to gain effective control over "disloyal" elements of society; and (3) finally as a critique of state paternalism, its most palpable effect being the imposition of conservative values, the distaste for alternative life-styles and the construction of a homogeneous mass of "Turkish citizens" adhering to similar values. We argue that the alleged Islamism of the ruling AKP played only an accessory role in the outbreak and development of the protests. What was an ecological protest and outcry at non-participative urban transformation in the beginning turned into a widespread popular happening whose participants tried to create an alternative to the bureaucratic machinery of the neoliberal state and the increasingly authoritarian behavior of its representatives who are unresponsive and unsensitive to the frustrations of oppositional voices, non-religious classes and different life-styles., Petr Kučera., and Obsahuje bibliografii