The article presents the results of the social-anthropological field research realized in the town of Tachov and several adjacent villages (especially Lesná, Mýto). It focuses on the mapping of the so called small history, identified through the biographical method, that is, stories related to the lives of the interviewed persons. It analyzes the situation during and after the return migration and final settlement of the region, as it is presented in the memories of the participants of the provesses of settlement, as well as their descendants. The article is structured into several blocks according to the priorities of the narratives, ascertained during the field research. These priorities are: memories of the industry of the pre-war era, the theme of return migrants and settlers, their integration and mutual relations with other ethnic groups. At the same time, it was possible to create an image of the spontaneous tale-telling repertoire. The main purpose of the research was to follow-up with the researches of the region realized in the 1970s and 1980s and to supplement them with new data.
In this paper author focuses on mental representation of ethnic and racial groups in Gabčíkovo village in Slovakia. The objective is to show, that to explain ethnic and racial classification, we need to regard two factors. The first one is social interactions. It means the social, cultural, historical and political conditions of social phenomenon. The second is the cognitive processes of the mind: in what ways the human mind operates particular external information. To explain ethnic and racial classification, the author uses the framework of cognitive anthropology, in particular theory of folk sociology.
identity is and how it works. In recent years scholars have started to overcome the ‘introduction to ethnicity’ syndrome - whereby recent anthropological developments are acknowledged and then disregarded when carrying out the analysis -, shedding light on new perspectives which enlighten our understanding of ethnic identity. In this paper, we not only revise these new approaches, but offer two novel case-studies: the Treveri from Late Iron Age Gaul and the Igaeditani from Roman Lusitania. and Pro studium etnicity prostřednictvím archeologie je třeba v první řadě plně chápat, co tato forma identity je a jak funguje. V posledních letech vědci začínají překonávat syndrom ‚úvodu do etnicity‘ – v jehož rámci se sice hlásí k nejnovějším antropologickým poznatkům, ale ve vlastní analýze je nezohledňují – a odhalují nové perspektivy, které informují naše chápání etnické identity. V tomto článku nejen revidujeme tyto nové přístupy, ale také předložíme dvě inovativní případové studie: Treveri z pozdní doby železné v Galii a Igaeditani z římské Lusitanie.
Interwar Romania was infamous for its many violent political and
social scenes. Some of these scenes represented exclusionary violence in its basic form, such as riots against Jews (and sometimes against other minorities) in 1922 and most prominently in 1927. But many other forms of violence were customary in Greater Romania. Clashes between villagers, destruction of memorials and statues, armed violence against the opposition electorate,beating up of politicians and occasional revolts against the authorities concerned an ever-growing state security apparatus that was rarely able to control these eruptions. Their persistence makes them suspicious of being a systemic phenomenon. In this article I argue that violence in this widespread form was a structural characteristic of Greater Romania, the result of systemic factors in
the new state. A loosening of moral constraint due to the preceding first world war, subsequent revolutions (and paramilitary endeavours) and the deficiencies of the state together had a decisive impact on the formation of a political culture that fostered violence from time to time. These factors on the one hand legitimized violence as a form of political action and, on the other hand, they resulted from and impeded successful nation building, and the realizationof the state’s promises for the nation. Thus, interwar Romania became a failing nation state and as such it facilitated popular forms of violence that was widely felt being justified by the legitimacy enjoyed by the ideology of the
nation-state. and Obsahuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
This article focuses on the dynamics of ethnicity in the desegregated classroom. The author examines the role of ethnicity in peer culture and finds that it is usually mediated and intersects with other categories (gender, age) and social identities of students (e.g. the friend identity). She also seeks to determine in what contexts and what directions these intersections occur and what kind of integrative or exclusionary effects ethnicity has in the classroom. She argues that ethnicity primarily becomes visible during ritualised symbolic performances in which the significance of different identities is accentuated. Against the backdrop of an ethnographic description of the role of ethnicity in the classroom she analyses the position in the classroom of Roma students, whose distinctiveness can serve as a source of exclusion or a means for selfassertion. At the intersection of the low status that Roma students are given in their role as students and the high status in their role as friends, ethnicity and ethnicisations in the classroom are to be contradictory in their effects.
Los Comanches and other cultural manifestations of the genízaro (mixed Spanish-Indian) culture of New Mexico is widely recognized and belittled as a mere hybrid of the „authentic" Spanish, Puebloan and Plains Indian cultures. The politicization of identity in contemporary America promotes traditionalist revitalization movements and the genízaros seem to be caught between a rock and a hard plače, not accepted by either of the politically well established ethnicities of New Mexico. They are denied authenticity and consequently are also denied access to funds which have become available for groups that have made successful ethnic claims and achieved state recognition. In spite of this difficult situation, the genízaro culture continues to live, representing a very unique cultural complex. The case of the genízaros of New Mexico may help us better understand the politics of (self-)identification and the process of ethnogenesis as a response to material and political opportunities created by a state reluctant to endorse a common national culture.
An intriguing element of the Pueblo and Hispanic villages of New Mexico is the Matachines Dance. It is performed on different, mostly religious occasions and requires a great personal and financial commitment on the part of the participants. Where the dance tradition disappeared in the past, it is being revived in the present, and where it continues to be danced in an uninterrupted tradition, it is becoming ever more costly and exuberant. The dance draws on European Middle-Age dance dramas, but it is heavy with indigenous layers of meaning. On face value, its key protagonists - Montezuma, Malinche, Abuelos, Montezuma’s entourage and the Bull - reenact the victory of Christianity in the New World. That is the meaning the dance has for the Hispanic villages, in addition to a number of place- and time-specific meanings. While seemingly identical, the dance often carries a different set of meanings in the Pueblos, symbolizing the banishment of foreign elements and the restoration of indigenous rule. In both the Pueblo and Hispanic villages, aside from the religious and mythical significance, the dance serves to delineate and reinforce ethnic boundaries while promoting a sense of community and solidarity. The Matachines Dance thus serves as a fascinating and paradoxical example of a shared cultural praxis which reinforces perceived cultural difference.
This article focuses on the intersection of gender, class and racial/ethnic inequalities. The intersection theory draws on the feminist critique of traditional class theory and on the challenge to feminism posed by ethnic women. The article develops thinking about various configurations of the intersection of inequalities and addresses mainly the case of marginalized women. However, the argument goes that the intersection of gender, class and racial/ethnic inequalities is not just a matter for disadvantaged groups because it has an impact on all groups in various relations. Class, gender and race/ethnicity should be understood as interlocked systems of both disadvantage and privilege. The intersection of inequalities is an approach intertwined with the development of social movements (women’s, labour and civil rights movements) in the USA and Western Europe. The article looks at why the intersection theory elaborated in the West mainly in the 1990s has not been reflected in Czech gender studies. Is it possible to connect the study of gender in a post-communist East European country with the predominantly American intersection theory?, Marta Kolářová., and Obsahuje bibliografii
The paper is designed as a set of reflections of a rather general nature. It describes the presence of Vietnamese in the Czech Republic during the last twenty years. The text captures changes describable only in trends. These are gradual transformations of local communities into modern Central European diaspora or a transnational community. For Vietnamese in the Czech Republic, the impulse to solve their economic situation dominates in terms of objective causes as well as the subjective reasoning of individual participants of the transfer. Business activities played a major role in the development of the community life of Vietnamese. These were either uncontrolled (unofficial) street sales of goods, variously organized retail or sales in wholesale markets. Phases of Vietnamese entrepreneurship in the Czech environment: 1.
Uncontrolled street stall selling (1990-1992) following previous business activities from the 1980s, 2. forming of urban and border zone markets (1992-1995), 3. so-called golden times of markets (1995-1998), 4. gradual decline in stall sales in markets and shift of Vietnamese business into stores (1998–today). A significant difference of Vietnamese existence is the fact that it does not seek a new identity when it moves to another country. A Vietnamese businessman is more strongly enclosed in his own cultural habits; after moving he prefers financial profit not only for himself but also for his family back in Vietnam. The dominant form containing
classic purchasing and sales of cheap goods is slowly
disappearing, the interest in making money is transforming and the tendency to establish new associations is apparent.