V ČR a Polsku se v posledním období významným zahraničněpolitickým i vnitropolitickým tématem stal záměr vlády USA umístit v těchto zemích některé komponenty budovaného amerického systému obrany proti mezikontinentálním balistickým střelám, který by podle deklarovaného záměru měl chránit kontinentální území Spojených států před případným útokem prostřednictvím menšího počtu raket dlouhého doletu z tzv. „ničemných států“ (rogue states), jak je označuje americká administrativa. Vlády ČR a Polska byly v tomto směru nedávno oficiálně americkou stranou požádány diplomatickou nótou o jednání v této záležitosti. V případě Polska by se mělo jednat o odpalovací zařízení raket určených k ničení mezikontinentálních balistických střel, na českém území by pak měl být dislokován radar, jehož prostřednictvím protiraketový systém vyhledává nepřátelské střely a navádí na ně své rakety. Probíhající diskuse jak uvnitř obou oslovených středoevropských států, tak i na mezinárodním foru zřetelně ukazují, že jak konkrétní plán umístit základny antibalistické obrany v ČR a Polsku, tak zejména samotný záměr budovat byť i jen omezený systém strategické obrany tohoto druhu, představuje závažnou, značně citlivou a kontroverzní otázku s globálním dosahem. Pochopitelný a průběžně sílící zájem o věc projevují také obyvatelé obou zemí. A právě postojům české a polské veřejnosti k celému projektu, jejich aktuálnímu stavu a také možnému dalšímu vývoji se bude věnovat tento text., The text focuses on public opinion in Czech Republic and Poland relating to the plan of U.S. government to locate some parts of U.S. national missile defence in these countries. It describes and compares main shifts of developments of public attitudes in both countries to the project as well as to eventual referendum in this matter within the period up to the first half of 2007. The text shows main demographical, societal and political differences in both countries and discusses reasons and motives behind particular attitudes of Czech and Polish citizens., Jan Červenka., and Seznam literatury
Název Centrum pro výzkum věřejného mínění nebo jeho zkratku CVVM zná asi každý. Přinejmenším z televizního zpravodajství týkajícího se stranických preferencí, volebních modelů či předvolebních průzkumů. Málokdo však ví, že jed o pracoviště Sociologického ústavu AV ČR. Ještě překvapivější bude asi zjištění, že v CVVM pracuje pouhých 15 lidí. and Luděk Svoboda.
Pro vězení je na rozdíl od jiných institucí příznačné, že za svými zdmi shromažduje chovance nedobrovolně. Veškerý čas a aktivity vězňů jsou striktně strukturovány. Autoritě instituce, která za své svěřence přebírá zodpovědnost a tím pádem i možnost sankcionovat nežádoucí chování, jsou podřízeny veškeré aspekty života (některé aspekty, jako je např. rodinný život, jsou pak ze života v lůně totální instituce zcela vyňaty). Odsouzený má pouze omezený manévrovací prostor pro prosazení svých zájmů. Navíc vězení představuje značnou zátěž nejen pro odsouzené, ale klade vysoké nároky také na vězeňský personál, jenž má za úkol starat se o izolaci a převýchovu vězňů., The article concern on the prison system. In the first part are described attitudes of public opinion towards crime and prison system. Not only in the terms of causes of criminal behavior. It also brings an evaluation of particular conditions and facilities which are available or which would be hypothetically available for prisoners in contemporary Czech prison system. The second part brings information about prison from prisoners point of view. It sums up the particular needs and problems resulting from imprisonment. And the third part comes with a c omparison of prisoners and public opinion attitudes on some moral dilemmas of chosen kinds of human behavior., and Michal Veselský.
The text discusses the relationship between real economic development, which is primarily measured by conventional statistical macroeconomic indicators, and the public opinion on economic development, whose regular monitoring o ers a number of subjective indicators. Empirical data from the period of the independent Czech Republic show that subjective indicators re ect the real economic situation and its changes over time. In a broader sense the paper highlights some of the practical di culties, which always arise when interpreting the results of public opinion polls and similar quantitative sociological investigations in this area., Jan Červenka., and Obsahuje seznam literatury
The so-called opposition agreement was concluded by the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) and the Civic Democratic Party (ODS) after the Chamber of Deputies elections of 1998. It paved the way for a ČSSD minority government in 1998–2002. To present day, it continues to represent one of the most contested moments of the country’s post-communist political history. Both general awareness and the publicist discourse are dominated by a categorically negative, accusatory evaluation of the agreement as a deviation from the democratic framework, a catalyst of systemic corruption and clientelism, and a source of deep scepticism and political disaffection in the Czech general public. While scholarly literature also features strongly critical attitudes to the opposition agreement, there have been a number of works which compared it to the ways minority governments were formed and operated in other countries or which studied the circumstances of its formation and how the situation evolved. Such works have argued that the opposition agreement was a relatively standard case of minority government with under-developed institutional support.
The present study is based on the continual data from surveys of the Public Opinion Research Centre. It deals with the ways public opinion responded to the opposition agreement at the time of its formation and perceived the political situation and overall development in 1998–2002, comparing it to the preceding and subsequent time periods. The empirical evidence shows that most citizens perceived the opposition agreement negatively in general, and especially as the details of its formation have been blurred by the growing time distance from the June 1998 elections. Such negative perceptions,
along with the aftermath of the 1997–1999 economic crisis, gave rise to phenomena such as a considerable decline of popular support for the ČSSD, decreasing trust in government, and growing political discontent between September 1998 and the end of 1999. However, evidence from studies that focused more specifically on the opposition agreement demonstrates that the public attitudes to the opposition agreement were not negative en bloc.
Moreover, the 2000–2002 period saw an apparent shift towards positive attitudes. At the same time, the attitudes to economic and political realities changed considerably throughout the era. The negative trends that prevailed in the first half of the election cycle, and especially in 1999, were replaced by a positive trend as the country overcame the post-1997 economic recession. At the end of the era, the ČSSD and its minority government were perceived as successful by a much broader segment of the population than just the social democratic constituency or left-wing voters in general. These circumstances were probably responsible for the ČSSD’s election victory in 2002, while negative attitudes to the opposition agreement had ceased to play a major role by that time.
Tato stať se zabývá analýzou veřejného mínění obyvatel neevropských zemí a jejich pohledem na Evropskou unii. Studie přitom není analýzou zahraniční či obchodní politiky těchto zemí, nýbrž vychází z postojů obyvatel těchto zemí. Občané těchto zemí hodnotí EU nejčastěji jako „soft power“ a jako ekonomickou velmoc. Vysoce ceněné jsou nadále také aktivity v oblasti mírových rekonstrukcí bývalých válečných regionů, vytýkáno je jí však, že málo využívá svého ekonomického potenciálu při řešení konfliktů. Shodně jí však také kritizují za protekcionistickou politiku v oblasti dovozu. Politicky ovšem unie nadále zůstává víceméně nevýznamným aktérem mezinárodních vztahů., This article deals with the analysis of public opinion in the non-European countries and with their view about the European Union. The study is not yet an analysis of foreign and trade policies of these countries, but it based on the opini - ons of their inhabitants. The citizens of these countries assessed the EU as “soft power” and as an economic superpower. Highly valued are the activities in the field of peaceful reconstruction of the former war regions, however, it is alleged that it uses few use its economical potential in resolving conflicts. However the Union is criticized for their protectionist policies in the import. Politically remains the union largely unimportant player in international relations., and Lukáš, Novotný.
This paper deals with results of a special survey focused on the problem (issue) of historical consciousness of Communist Party voters. The opening part of the article presents a theoretical and methodological framework: there is introduced an operationalization of concepts such as collective memory, historical consciousness, collective identity, and also outlined the position of the Communist Party in the Czech post-communist political system. The empirical part of the text is devoted to the problems of Czech modern history, particularly to the way in which Communist Party electorate in different contexts assesses various historical periods or phenomena prior to 1989 and also how a subsequent systemic change is reflected., Daniel Kunštát., and Obsahuje seznam literatury
Family may be defi ned as a relatively durable group of persons which is based on blood relations, is caused by marriage eventually by adoption and its main functions are reproduction, upbringing, but also carry over cultural models. Meaning of marriage institution is very often discussed topic not only in context of this defi nition. These discussions are provoked not only by opinions and questions in terms of marriage as an outworn institution, but also by the results of demographic statistic. In these results we can see trends of decreasing nuptiality, perhaps even weakening of family in the basic word sense (low fertility in general, growth of proportion of extramarital born children etc.). Introductory part of this article aff ords view of continuance of nuptiality during the twentieth century and also outline of some aspects that contribute to current nuptiality situation. The second part is focused on attitudes of Czech public towards marriage and on their ideas about importance and sense of marriage as well as., Michaela Dimitrová., and Seznam literatury
The following text outlines some aspects of people‘s decision making process during elections in modern mass democracies. Particularly, the aspect of (in)competence of electorate or, as the case may be, the problem of rationality of the political audiance that creates the public opinion. The arguments proving the discrepancy between the normativ and the empiric character of public opinion are purposly disbalanced based on the evaluation of reality. This, however, does not in any way influence the evaluation of adequacy of the democratic normativ., Není sporu o tom, že etablování všeobecného volebního práva v mnoha směrech proměnilo základní politický půdorys veřejného prostoru liberálních (ústavně pluralitních) demokracií. V tomto textu se pokusím načrtnout některé aspekty volebního rozhodování v moderních masových demokraciích, zejména pak téma (ne)kompetence voličů respektive problém racionality politického publika neboli veřejného mínění. Je třeba předeslat, že argumentace je vědomě poněkud jednostranně vystavěna na základě kritické evaluace reálného stavu a fakticky se nijak nedotýká hodnocení adekvátnosti demokratického normativu., Daniel Kunštát., and Seznam literatury
The text with some additions introduces to Czech audience a work of Scott L. Althaus and Devon M. Largio, who back in 2004 were analyzing origins and consequences of shift in America’s public enemy no. 1 from Osama bin Laden to Iraqi president Saddam Hussein that occurred during period after 9/11 terrorist attacks on WTC and Pentagon and before U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003. By charting the changing levels of public attention given to Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein in American news coverage and in president G. W. Bush’s public statements and by comparison of these trends with a full range survey fi ndings that appear to reveal widespread misperceptions about the link between Iraq and the 9/11 attacks, their analysis provided a clear perspective on the timing and impact of the administration’s communication eff orts as well as revealed a fact contradictory to popular view that mistaken beliefs about Saddam Hussein’s culpability were less a product of the Bush administration’s public relations campaign than of the 9/11 attacks themselves. The text tries to point out some more general incidence of these fi ndings relating to relationship of political, news and public agendas as well as methodology and interpretations of polls., Jan Červenka., and Seznam literatury