V příspěvku jde nejprve o otázku, zda Kant ještě ve svém spisku „O rozdílu směrů v prostoru“ z r. 1768 zastává Newtonovo pojetí prostoru, jak se to zdá naznačovat okolnost, že zde Kant mluví o „absolutním prostoru“. Autor se snaží ukázat, že tomu tak není, neboť termín „absolutní prostor“ je třeba interpretovat jinak než jako odkaz k Newtonovu pojetí prostoru. Ve druhé části se příspěvek věnuje hlavnímu tématu zmíněného spisku, jež je tvořeno Kantovou kritikou Leibnizova pojetí prostoru. Leibnizova koncepce se podle Kanta ukazuje jako neudržitelná, neboť se dostává do rozporu s fenomény, když nedokáže vysvětlit existenci inkongruentních protějšků, jakými jsou pravá a levá ruka., This article is firstly concerned with the question of whether Kant still holds Newton’s conception of space in his work Concerning the Distinction of the Directions in Space, as his reference to “absolute space” seems to suggest. The author attempts to show that this is not in fact the case since the term “absolute space” should not be interpreted as referring to Newton’s conception of space. In the second part of the article, the author focuses on the critique of Leibniz’s conception of space that is the main theme of Kant’s aforesaid work. Leibniz’s conception, in Kant’s view, is shown to be inadequate because it comes into conflict with phenomena by not being able to explain the existence of incongruent counterparts, such as right and left hands., and Jindřich Karásek.
Obsahom článku je kritika chápania autority u Hannah Arendtovej, podľa ktorej patrí k charakteristickým rysom moderného sveta kríza a následná strata autority. Simultánne s autoritou v jej chápaní ustupuje aj sloboda, ktorá je od začiatku 20. storočia vážne ohrozovaná totalitarizmom. Dôvod tvrdenia, že autoritu postihla kríza, ktorá spôsobila jej zánik, je skôr filozofický ako politický, je to relativizmus, skepticizmus a pesimizmus, aký sa objavil v západoeurópskom myslení od konca prvej svetovej vojny. Autoritu je však potrebné odvodzovať nie z ideovo-politickej tradície, ale z reálnych spoločenských podmienok. Musíme ju vnímať na pozadí diferencujúcej reality sveta vyznačujúcej sa spoločenskými protikladmi a bojmi, v ktorej snaha zakonzervovať svet tradičnou autoritou a náboženstvom musí nakoniec skončiť neúspechom. Autorita je tak vec relatívna a oblasti jej aplikácie sa menia v rôznych fázach spoločenského vývinu., The aim of the article is to criticise the concept of authority as presented by Hannah Arendt, who claims that crisis in, and subsequent loss of, authority are typical features of the modern world. The weakening of authority goes hand in hand with the retreat of freedom, which has been seriously jeopardised by totalitarianism since the early-20th century. The reason for the claim that authority is afflicted by crisis, causing its demise, is more philosophical than political; this mixture of relativism, scepticism and pessimism began to take shape in Western European thought after World War II. However, authority should be derived not from an ideological or political tradition, but from real social conditions. It must be seen against the background of the diverging reality of the world characterized by social contradictions and struggles, in which an effort to bind the world by traditional authority and religion must ultimately fail. Yet, authority is a relative concept and so its scope of application varies in different stages of social development., and Peter Dinuš.
The process of political socialization, as shown by numerous findings, is characterised as the transmission of political action and behaviour through the generations. In connection with the political changes the Czech Republic experienced since 1945, not only the prospect of generational continuity but also discontinuity come into consideration. The article deals with the influence of parents and other socialization factors on political self-identification in the Czech population. It focuses mainly on the major age groups: young people up to the age of 29, the younger middle generation of 30-44 years, the older middle generation of 45-59 years and individuals aged 60 years or older, and their parents. The starting point of the considerations is the theory of social change and the interconnection of political socialization on the micro and macro levels. The paper analyses the circumstances of socialization and its effects on political orientation in a representative sample of Czech population (N = 522). The basis for determining the impact of socialization was set as the intensity of interest in political events together with the main resources affecting political orientation such as self-education and reading, followed by parental influence. The ratio of father’s and mother’s communist orientation plus their interest in politics accounted for the other socialization factors. Political background of the respondents was compared with their self-identification on the left-right political scale. Correlation analysis helped highlight the significance of father’s influence, rather than mother’s, in the process of political socialization. It also showed an overall negative impact of parental political discussion on the formation of left-right orientation. ANOVA analysis demonstrated a strong relationship between socio-occupational status and political inclusion. This inclusion effect was more frequent among left-wing labourers and pensioners and right-wing entrepreneurs, tradesmen, students and apprentices. Not only social background but also age signalled significant differences in opinions. The youngest generation as a whole relates to the right wing of the political spectrum. At the same time, the generation of 60+ is inclined to the left of the centre. As a matter of fact, this group, more than other age groups, is interested in political events and is deeply involved in political discussions. The young generation manifests itself in both directions. Parents’ political socialization actions towards their children induced agreement with parental political orientation only to a lesser extent. The study also dealt with two influences, sometimes mutually supportive and other times competing, namely parental socialization influence, political and economic conditions. Attitudes to social and political situation differed between age groups. The influence of society- -level circumstances is more significant than that of parental political socialization. It was possible to observe political continuity between the generations of 60+, or even their parents, and the older middle generation aged 45-59. When there is mostly continuity between them and their children then discontinuity tends to arise between them and their parents. The distribution of political orientation reveals a dynamic field. Attitudes to changes in society vary between generations as well. During the shaping of political orientation, the influence of social and political conditions is more decisive than political action, no matter how good its intentions are. This confirms the concept of political socialization as a way in which individual socialization interacts with one’ssocial position due to various social factors., Ján Mišovíč., and Obsahuje použitou literaturu
Příspěvek je zaměřen na otázku z oblasti ekologické etiky, jak stanovit hranici našich morálních ohledů. Ačkoliv antropocentrismus přináší možnosti založení dobře odůvodněné ochrany přírody, autorka si všímá více neantropocentrických přístupů, u nichž existuje předpoklad, že morální ohledy bychom měli brát na mimolidské tvory kvůli nim samým. Mezi neantropocentricky orientovanými filosofy panuje neshoda v otázce, co do těchto ohledů má spadat – zda to, co je schopno trpět (P. Singer), či to, co má zájmy (R. Attfield), dobro nebo vlastní hodnotu (P. Taylor). Tak se hranice morálních ohledů rozšiřuje od člověka přes vyšší druhy zvířat až ke všemu životu. Ve druhé části příspěvku autorka na příkladu posledního člověka (R. Routley a R. Attfield) zpochybňuje vhodnost hledání rozlišujícího kritéria pro morální ohledy. Ekologická etika však představuje určitý základ pro společensko-politickou praxi a pro tyto účely se kritérium života a morální princip úcty ke všemu životu jeví jako nejvhodnější., This article focuses on the question, in the area of ecological ethics, of how to determine the bounds of our moral considerations. Although anthropocentrism does provide possibilities for the proper founding of a justification for the protection of nature, the author finds a greater number of non-anthropocentric approaches which assume that our moral considerations should be extended to non-human creatures for their own sake. Among the non-anthropocentrically oriented philosophers there is no consensus on the question of what should be included in those considerations – whether it is that which is susceptible of suffering (P. Singer), or that which has interests (R. Attfield), or that which has the good or its own value (P. Taylor). Thus the bounds of moral considerations are extended from man, first to the higher forms of animals, then to all life. In the second part of the article the author, using the example of the last man (R. Routley and R. Attfield), calls into question the appropriateness of seeking a distinguishing criterion for moral considerations. Ecological ethics, however, present a certain basis for socio-political praxis and for the aims which the criterion of life and the moral principle of respect to all life reveal as most appropriate., and Marie Skýbová.
The presented paper tries to interpret the campaign before the Czech presidential election in 2013 from the perspective of Je rey Alexander’s performative theory. It argues that the process of preference formation cannot be completely explained on the basis of rational interests of the voters, media or socioeconomic strata. On the contrary, the paper based in durkheimian paradigm argues for the importance of collective emotions. The campaign is understood here as a sequence of performative acts in which the candidates, understood as collective representations, try to associate themselves with emotions of the voters. The performance in Alexander’s perspective takes place in the civil sphere formed by the cultural code with binary structure of the democratic and antidemocratic side. In this perspective the case of Czech presidential campaign will be shown with the focus on the unexpected advancement of Karel Schwarzenberg to the second round of the election., Vít Horák., and Obsahuje seznam literatury