The article deals with the question how EU anti-discrimination law and migration law are inter- related. The concept of fundamental market freedoms and the prohibition of discrimination based on na- tionality have approximated the status of state nationals and Union citizens. General human rights law, on the other hand, has strengthened the legal status of third-country nationals, also in the field of migration law. The combination of both approaches in the light of current anti-discrimination directives and activist human rights jurisprudence may lead to confusion.
Alternative futures oriented to contemporary global problems solutions and risk management are related to citizens´ability to learn how to become global (cosmopolitan) citizens. Important conditions for that should be analyzed within the processes and conditions shaped by globalization of media and communication. This learning has not been institutionalize so far (as in the education), and it is a result of rather indirect social interaciton. Individuals are embedded into complex network of the global information flows and, at the same time, they are members of their national and local communities. Cosmopolitan individual is a virtual member of a global community. Social analysis with ethical reflection should study with more attention global media as one of the key globalizing actors shaping the public space of communication with the power to farm and deform cosmopolitan participation. and Oleg Suša.
This contribution elaborates on the question of exclusion from civil sphere and citizenship in a reference to texts published in previous volumes of Contradictions. In dialogue with the texts of Joseph Grim Feinberg and Engin Isin, it analyzes urban disputes in relation to citizens’ inclusion in and exclusion from processes of decision-making about cities. Citizens here are understood as those who participate in city life and have an influence on how a city looks. Using pragmatic sociology of critique, the contribution examines characteristics of contemporary urban disputes such as the proliferation of the idea of “civilized” debate, overwhelming complexity, weak municipalities lacking means of influence, and domination by consensus. The tactics of exclusion from debates about the city associated with these characteristics are simultaneously tactics of exclusion from the civil sphere.
What is the notion of citizenship that reveals itself in such varied and successive appearances as “civic” participation, “civil” society, and “civil” rights? Th e law provides us with positive defi nitions, defi ning individuals’ relationship to given states, which grant rights to participate in civil society. But such defi nitions conceal as much as they reveal. Th e full meaning of citizenship comes out only in relation to other categories which citizenship excludes. Th is is true not only because all categories of meaning are defi ned against their opposites, but also because citizenship as a specifi c category is characterized fundamentally by the principle of exclusion. Citizenship, typically conceived as a bundle of rights, functions de facto as a bundle of privileges, that is to say, of rights that must be granted, rights which (in spite of universalist justifi cations) are always granted to some and not to others, and which are granted on the condition that right-holders renounce their claims on other rights. Th e non-citizen tends to become not only uncivil but also uncivilized, deprived not only of specifi c civil rights but also of human dignity. Th e citizen is civilized while the non-citizen is made barbaric. It becomes necessary therefore to develop the following thesis: that the essence of the citizen is the proletarian tramp. So argues Joseph Grim Feinberg in this Czech translation of an article published in English as “Th e Civic and the Proletarian,” in Socialism & Democracy 27 (2013), no. 3.
The paper briefly presents the results of a five-year field research project (2006 to 2011) studying the moral and political transformations amongst extremely poor women participating in the Brazilian Programa Bolsa Família (PBF). Our fundamental hypothesis was that regular monetary income would generate individual growth and an increase in personal autonomy and political inclusion. We analyse the interviews by way of a phenomenology of poverty in Brazil., Alessandro Pinzani, Leão Rêgo Walquíria., and Obsahuje použitou literaturu
Výskum exploruje konceptualizácie občianstva a občianskej participácie u bratislavských adolescentov a mladých dospelých (N=58); zameriava sa tiež na vzťah medzi konceptualizáciami občianstva a vnímanou lokalizáciou kontroly. Prostredníctvom Q-metodológie boli identifikované štyri faktory, ktoré vyjadrujú rôzne koncepcie presvedčení o občianstve. Prvý faktor (individuálna zodpovednosť, minimálny štát) tvorili čisto vysokoškoláci, druhý (pasívny negativizmus) čisto stredoškoláci, ostatné dva (občianska vzájomnosť a náš štát, náš pán) boli z tohto hľadiska zmiešané. Zistené boli i štatisticky významné rozdiely medzi jednotlivými faktormi ohľadom lokalizáciekontroly, kedy jedine participanti tvoriaci prvý faktor prejavovali tendenciu k vnútornej lokalizácii kontroly.