Publikace poměrně podrobně charakterizuje vývoj slovenské ekonomiky, a zvláště dopravy již od poloviny 19. století, byť ve svém jádru pojednává o období samostatné Slovenské republiky (1939-1945) a poválečného tříletí. Podle recenzenta jde o velmi solidní a komplexní práci, jejíž největší přínos spočívá ve využití velkého množství dosud nezpracovaných pramenů a v zachycení pozoruhodných rozdílů v rozvoji dopravní infrastruktury, technologií a způsobů cestování mezi českými zeměmi a Slovenskem v různých obdobích., The publication History of transportation in Slovakia 1938-1948 (1950): Its boundaries and limits characterizes in a fairly detailed manner the development of the Slovak economy since the mid-1800s, although its core deals with the independent Slovak Republic (1939-1945) and the first three years after the war. In the reviewer´s opinion, it is a very solid and comprehensive work the greates contribution of which consists in the use of a large amount of hitherto unprocessed sources and a capture of remarkable differences in the development of transportation infrastructure, technologies, and modes of travel between Slovakia and the Cezch Lands in various periods of time., [autor recenze] Pavel Szobi., and Obsahuje bibliografii a bibliografické odkazy
The Czech-Jewish community in Bohemia and Moravia used in its sociolect a lot of specific lexical elements. One of them is also the lexeme podzelená (as Czech term for the religious holiday sukkoth, i.e. the Jewish Feast of Tabernacles, sometimes also for the ritual hut sukkah itself) that is missing in prestigious Czech dictionaries It emerged - in a very exceptional and rare way - from the prepositional elliptical collocation pod zelenou,. It appears already in the oldest Czech translation of siddur in 1847, and also relatively profusely in the texts of Jewish origin (primarily of the Czech-Jewish assimilative orientation) as late as the holocaust period. In post-war decades, this term was finally replaced by the word sukot (indeclinable plural in Czech) as a consequence of a new cultural situation in the Czech Judaism (the arrival of new members from Ruthenia and Slovakia to Czech Jewish communities, shift to orthodoxy, regeneration of the knowledge of Hebrew, cultural orientation to Israel).
Recenzent seznamuje s výklady britského historika v knize a spatřuje jejich přínos především v bohaté faktografii, založené na důkladném studiu francouzských archivních materiálů, a v neotřelém pohledu, nezatíženém rozsáhlými a mnohdy vášnivými diskusemi nad fenomény kolaborace a odboje ve francouzské historiografii a společnosti. K hlavním kladům knihy podle něj patří také interdisciplinarita, propojující přístupy sociálních dějin, dějin každodennosti a dějin policie s takzvanými velkými politickými dějinami. Autor načrtává mnohem různorodější a rozpornější obraz reality, než odpovídá zavedeným mýtům o policii ve velkém a dobrovolně kolaborující s režimem ve Vichy i s Němci, o její zbabělosti a setrvalém propojení se zločinem., The reviewer provides an account of interpretations of the British historian; he sees their main contribution in rich facts based on a thorough study of French archival documents and a novel angle of view unburdened by extensive and often heater discussions over phenomena of resistance and collaboration in the French histography and society. In the interviewer´s opinion, the book´s strenghts also include an interdisciplinary approach combining social history, everydayyhistory and police history with the so-called great political history. The author drafts a much more diverse and disparate picture of reality than that suggested by established myths about the police force extensively and voluntarily collaborating both with Germans and the Vichy regime, about the cowardice of police officers and their permanent links to the world of crime., [autor recenze]. Dalibor Vácha, and Obsahuje bibliografii a bibliografické odkazy
This article discusses the birth and early dynamics of Czech post-Communist antiCommunism. It is based on the recognition that during the political takeover in November and December 1989 the policy of radical discontinuity remained a marginal, practically invisible and inaudible phenomenon in the mostly restful period of civil unrest. In the generally shared atmosphere of ''national understanding,'' which led to the historic compromise between the old, Socialist regime and the new, democratic regime, there was no room for a policy of radically settling scores with the Communist Party and the past. It was all the more surprising, therefore, when demands along these lines (the relinquishing of Party property, the outlawing of the Party, the punishment of criminal and treasonous politicians) appeared as if out of nowhere as early as the beginning of 1990, and then intensifi ed. Memory was awakened and its numerous previously buried levels now emerged in public life. The incursion of the dark, unrecognised, and unprocessed past into the artifi cial reality of historic compromise caused frustration with ethics in the ranks of the nascent political élite. It was but a small step from the political prisoners’ awakened memories of crimes committed by the recently defeated regime to the now current problems with the ''nomenclature brotherhoods'' and ''Communist mafi as'' in the provinces and in businesses throughout the country. Calls for a thorough settling of scores were heard with increasing frequency from Civic Forum, the victorious political movement, and they eventually became the catalyst of the pronounced division within the Civic Forum. But these calls never turned into a decisive political strategy and they managed to hold a dominant place only in the programmesof the less important parties and organizations like the Club of Politically-Engaged Non-Party Members (Klub angažovaných nestraníků - KAN) and the Confederation of Political Prisoners (Konfederace politických vězňů). After the break-up of the Civic Forum in late 1990 and early 1991, radical anti-Communism ran out of steam, and the right-of-centre political parties that emerged from the erstwhile Civic Forum - primarily the Civic Democratic Party, the Civic Democratic Alliance, and the Christian Democratic Party - adapted the originally radical demands to a realistic policy of compromise based on the fact that the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia, with the support of more than ten per cent of the electorate, remained a part of the democratic political system. The largely ignored sense of frustration with morals, stemming from the fundamental contradiction between the ideal (that is, comprehensive) possibilities of a policy of settling scores and the real (that is, limited) possibilities, was put off for later years, and remains a public problem to this day.