Parliamentary elections in May 2010 ended with unexpected and somewhat revolutionary results: they brought heavy losses to all traditional established parties within the Czech party system, which appeared to be relatively stable since the second half of 1990s, two lesser parliamentary parties were eliminated from the Chamber of Deputies, and two new political parties emerged among successful subjects surpassing quite easily the existing electoral clause of five percent. The text analyzes these results, as well as some attitudes of Czech public identified by exit poll and other sociological surveys and post-election development, and it tries to answer the question, whether the elections in 2010 meant any deep and lasting shift in long-term development of the party system in the Czech Republic or whether it was rather an incidental anomaly without persistent impact on the party system, which will gradually restore itself more or less in the shape that characterized it for one and half of decade before the elections in 2010., Jan Červenka., and Obsahuje seznam literatury
V tomto článku se autoři věnují tématu subjektivního vnímání profesí jako kategorií, nicméně využívají k tomu poněkud odlišný koncept a metodu: subjektivní sociální distance. Na rozdíl od prestiže povolání sledují pravděpodobnost interakce mezi profesními skupinami. Použití tohoto přístupu, dobře známého ze studia etno-kulturních distancí (viz [Ryšavý 2003]), ke studiu stratifikace je u nás relativně nové, ač se jedná o metodu vyvinutou již na přelomu 50. a 60. let. Nejprve v krátkosti představí odlišná sociologická pojetí sociálních distancí, věnovat se budou zejména konceptu subjektivnímu, který zavedl E. O. Laumann. V druhé části přinášejí výsledky empirické analýzy subjektivních interakčních distancí k 22 profesím, které byly zjišťovány ve výzkumu “ Sociální distance 2007”. Vnímáme profese jako hierarchicky uspořádané? Existují shluky profesí, které bychom mohli označit za subjektivní sociální třídy ve vědomí lidí? Kudy vede v naší společnosti hranice mezi těmito třídami? Nejen o tom se v tomto článku dočtete více., Using the concept of subjective social distance we focus on perceptions of occupational categories. First, the the - oretical concept of social distance is introduced as a tool for measuring social stratification. Second, subjective hypothetical interactional distances to 22 occupational stimuli are analyzed with data from the Social Distances 2007 survey. People rate the stimuli hierarchically analogous to occupational prestige and socioeconomic status; however some minor divergences can be detected. Further we focus on differences among gender and members of self identified social classes. The main part assesses the hypothesis of the existence of subjective social class boundaries. The status-continuum is shared by the whole public, yet we can identify mental categorization patterns of professional groupings which draw an intense bounda - ry between white and blue collar professions. Further, four groupings regarded as subjective social class can be identified: higher professionals, female lower professionals, qualified and semi-qualified manual and non-manual workers, and unqua - lified manual professions with low prestige., and Jiří Šafr, Julia Häuberer.
Stať se zabývá trávením volného času. Nejprve uvádíme význam trávení volného času a odpovídající sociologickými koncepty. V empirické části analyzujeme data z mezinárodního výzkumu ISSP 2007 – Volný čas a sport. Popisujeme frekvenci 13 volnočasových aktivit a spolu s vnímanými funkce volného času je srovnáváme s 18 evropskými zeměmi. V následující části nejprve pomocí klastrové analýzy rozkrýváme strukturu volnočasových aktivit v České republice, identifikovány byly tři hlavní životní styly: (1) kulturní a sportovní aktivity mimo domov typické pro mladou generaci, (2) nakupování, navštěvování příbuzných, sledování TV a čtení příznačnou pro ženy a (3) domácí práce/kutilství charakteristické pro muže. Na závěr pomocí multinominální logistické regrese identifikujeme nositele těchto životních stylů z hlediska sociodemografických charakteristik., The article focuses on leisure activities in the Czech Republic. After the introductory part defining leisure and its functions, data from the international research ISSP 2007 Leisure and Sport are analyzed. Frequencies of 13 leisure acti - vities and perceived functions of leisure are described and the Czech results are briefly compared with the average of 18 European countries. Then attention is paid to the structure of leisure activities in the Czech society. Three main leisure clus - ters, i.e. types of lifestyle, were identified: (1) cultural and sporting activities outside home, (2) “female” culture (shopping, watching TV, reading books and visiting relatives), (3) “home-loving” style of life (doing handicrafts and do-it-yourself). The main sociodemographic characteristics of their followers are delineated using multinominal logistic regression., and Jiří Šafr, Věra Patočková.
Od počátku 90. let 20. století dochází k poměrně velkým změnám v reprodukčním chování obyvatel České republiky, mimo jiné výrazně narůstá podíl dětí narozených mimo manželství. Článek podrobně popisuje vývoj intenzity plodnosti nevdaných žen ve srovnání s ženami vdanými v letech 1989-2014 na základě dat běžné evidence. Pozornost je věnována třem hlavním vlivům působícím na podíl dětí narozených mimo manželství, nejvíce pochopitelně intenzitě mimomanželské a manželské plodnosti (podle věku a pořadí narozených dětí). Analýza ukazuje, že přestože dochází od počátku 21. století ke sbližování intenzity plodnosti vdaných a nevdaných žen, prokreační chování těchto žen se stále výrazně odlišuje (průměrný věk matky při narození (prvního) dítěte, struktura narozených dětí podle pořadí narození)., Since the beginning of the 1990´s there have been relatively large changes in the reproductive behaviour of the population of the Czech Republic, including a significant increase in the proportion of children born out of wedlock. The paper describes the development of fertility rates among unmarried and married women in the years 1989-2014 in detail. Attention is paid to three main influences which are responsible for the proportion of children born out of wedlock, and obviously above all to the rates of nonmarital and marital fertility (by age and by birth order). The analysis shows that although there has been a convergence of the rates of fertility of married and unmarried women since the beginning of the 21st century, the reproductive behaviour of these women is still significantly different (average age of mother at birth of (first) child, distribution of birth order)., Barbora Kuprová., and Obsahuje bibliografii
Cílem tohoto textu je zjistit, jestli se v čase mění podíl matek, které rodí děti mimo partnerský vztah, a jestli se mění také asociace tohoto rodinného uspořádání se sociodemografickými charakteristikami matek. Rodinná uspořádání, do kterých se rodí děti, se v posledních více než dvou dekádách značně proměnila, a proto lze očekávat, že se změnil i podíl a/ nebo charakteristiky žen, které své děti rodí mimo partnerství. Jedním z důvodů, proč toho o porodech mimo partnerství víme tak málo, jsou omezené datové zdroje, ze kterých můžeme informace čerpat. Proto je cílem tohoto textu také zmapovat možnosti měření rodinného uspořádání rodiček a porovnat výsledky, která nám k tématu poskytují., Single motherhood is known to have negative consequences on the wellbeing and life chances of mothers and their children. It appears as a consequence of parental dissolution or birth to an unpartnered woman. There are studies of divorce and union separation in the Czech Republic but less is known about women who bear their children outside unions. The goal of the paper is to determine if the proportion of mothers who bear children without having a partner changes in time and if there is a change in the socio-demographic characteristics of mothers. As the data on unpartnered childbearing are limited, the paper also aims to map the available data sources and their possibilities and limitations. Two data sources are used to measure births to unpartnered mothers, the birth register (BR) and the Labour Force Survey (LFS). BR data include mothers of liveborn infants in 2007-2014 (n is 886,467) but do not contain a direct measure of family arrangement. Single mothers are defined as those who did not provide information about newborn´s father. The LFS data set is limited to households with a member under one year of age interviewed in 1993-2010 (n is 8,172). Single motherhood is defined as an absence of mother´s partner in the household. Results about single motherhood are reported for all house holds and for those headed by one of the infant´s parents. The main independent variable is time period. Three maternal characteristics are controlled for, namely education, age, and parity. The proportion of children with unidentified fathers declined slightly from about 10% in 2007 to 8% in 2014. Both measures of unpartnered childbearing based on household composition suggest a growing trend in the 1993-2007 period and then stabilisation. The proportion of mothers without partners among all households with an infant rose from 7% (1993-1995) to 12-13% (2005-2010). As for households headed by child’s single parent, the number of single mothers is underestimated because a substantial proportion of tem live in households headed by other persons. There is a growing trend from 3% to 8%. These figures also indicate that the proportion of single mothers who live in their own households increased from 37% (1993-1995) to 60% (2008-2010). Logistic regression was used to test if the trends apply to mothers in all socio-demographic groups. The results suggest that each of the measures of unpartnered motherhood is strongly associated with low (i.e. primary) education, first parity, and low or high age of mothers (up to 25 or above 35 y.o.). Interaction between time period and maternal characteristics shows that the decline in the non-identification of fathers occured in all groups of mothers except those with low (i.e. primary or vocational) education and those of third or higher parity. These groups show a growing tendency not to acknowledge fathers. The absence of fathers in households with infants exhibited a similar trend in all groups of mothers. In sum, different definitions result in different estimates of unpartnered motherhood. Depending on the measure, the ratio of births outside unions was estimated between 8% and 12% at the end of the 2000s (i.e. the time period of 2008-2010 when all of the time series overlap). Measurement based on the absence of father in any type of household provides the highest estimate of the proportion of unpartnered childbearing, while the other two measures lead to lower estimates. The results regarding temporal trends in unpartnered childbearing also depend on measurement. This suggests that the absence of coresident partner and denial of information about child´s father are different events and they are likely to further differentiate in the future., Martina Štípková., and Obsahuje bibliografii
This article focuses on methods for measuring corruption, first describing three generations of corruption indicators and then comparing them qualitatively and quantitatively. Corruption is a clandestine activity that is extremely difficult to measure; there are no official statistics on the number of corruption cases. For this reason, corruption can only be measured indirectly, by various proxies, and it is extremely hard to state whether these indicators are reliable and indeed measure the corruption phenomena in a given country. A large number of different indicators have been developed over the years that try to capture and quantify corruption. Some authors measure perceptions of corruption, others try to use “hard data” to explore the level of corruption in a country, and even others combine different measurements, weight them, and then publish composite indicators to capture the overall level of corruption in a country. This article aims to evaluate the quality of the different indicators using quantitative and qualitative methods. Possible uses and value of each individual indicator are discussed in terms of quality and practical considerations. First-generation indicators combine expert evaluations, surveys, and other data on corruption. The article focuses on the two best-known and most frequently used indicators - the Control of Corruption measurement by the World Bank and the Corruption Perception Index by Transparency International. Second-generation indicators are based on opinion surveys that ask respondents about their perceptions of and own experience with corruption. There are two types of such surveys, one focusing on the public and the other one on businesses. The second-generation indicators include surveys such as Eurobarometer, World Values Survey (WVS), European Social Survey (ESS), Global Corruption Barometer (GCB), WB BEEPS, or International Social Survey Programme (ISSP). Finally, the author presents a correlation analysis of different indicators over time and across countries, indicating whether and how strongly these three generations correlate with one another. The article concludes with a discussion on whether the three generations of indicators measure the same type of corruption and whether they can be used interchangeably. As for results, it seems that there are statistically significant associations between different types of indicators; however, this significance is, in most cases, not high enough to allow for interchangeability. Therefore, it is of utmost importance to carefully select the type of indicator used for scientific research, as results and conclusions might differ significantly depending on the indicator used., Kristýna Bašná., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
Pavel Machonin byl a zůstává legendou české sociologie, při jejíž obnově v šedesátých letech stál. Tehdy spolu s týmem mladých začínajících sociologických nadšenců provedl zcela unikátní, neobvykle invenční a také neobvykle rozsáhlý výzkum stratifikace československé (socialistické) společnosti. A nejen že provedl, ale i dokázal zjištěná fakta zpracovat do zásadního sociologického svědectví o stavu tehdejší společnosti. Knihu Československá společnost (vyšla v Bratislavě v roce 1969) zatím u nás nikdo v této oblasti výzkumu vlastně nepřekonal. Ani on sám v knížkách zabývajících se podobnou tematikou, na kterých jsem se spolupodílel v polovině devadesátých let. Z doby psaní (dopisování) této knihy se traduje, jak držel pod zámkem a o hladu svoje spoluautory, aby je donutil včas dopsat některé kapitoly. and Milan Tuček.