The submitted article reconstructs the interactions between Richard
Nikolaus Coudenhove-Kalergi as the originator of the Pan-Europe idea, and the Prague newspaper Prager Presse, during the time from August 1921 until autumn 1926. The account notes and comments not only upon Coudenhove-Kalergi writings published in the paper, but also the reviews of his books and reports on his public appearances. Thus the article traces, how the philosopher, who comes up with a particular interpretation of the situation in Europe after the World War I, becomes a leader of the international movement, a politician and a diplomat striving to gain support for a specific model of European organisation. The final section of this article deals with how the Czech translation of Coudenhove’s book Pan-Europa originated and the circumstances it was accompanied by. and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
In the independent Czechoslovak Republic, President Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk played a profound role in influencing Musil´s important decisions and subsequent actions, even though their political and social opinions differed. Musil, at that time a student of theology, met Masaryk in 1889 in Turčiansky Sväty Martin in Slovakia. He recalled Masaryk´s emphasis on the necessity of having strong personal convictions when studying. Musil gave an inaugural lecture, How did I get to know the Orient, on 11th February 1920.In the auditorium, journalists and politicians were present, headed by Minister of Foreign Affairs, Edvard Beneš. Musil´s plans for Czech Oriental studies were not only scientific and cultural, but also political and economic. Musil believed that for the newborn Czechoslovakian state the Orient could act as a substitues for colonies, since it could supply the country with raw materials in exchange for various products, and it could also offer its countrymen profitable employment opportunities. According to him, the government needed to systematically arouse interest in the Orient in Czechoslovakia and vice-versa, and also to use cultural links as the starting point for the establishment of active economic relations. Therefore, he believed it should be a national aim to establish an Oriental library, a school of living languages and a large Oriental institute. In 1920, based on Masaryk´s wishes, Musil began preparations for a great journey leading from Northern Africa to Southwest Asia, where he hoped to promote the political and economic interests of Czechoslovakia. The journey was postponed on several occasions and, in the end, never took place., Pavel Žďárský., and Obsahuje seznam literatury
The present study deals with the ways and forms of using the topic of migration for the benefit of political interests. It focuses on how the political scene empowers the theme of migration. Anthropology monitors the causes and forms of migration, its effects, examines the products of the majority – minority interaction, the reflection of migrants in public debate. Our aim will be to clarify how anthropology responds to political and media discussions on migration, how it engages and how it transforms under their influence. Several examples can also be identified in Slovakia. Slovak scientists participate in the „making“ of applied anthropology individually or in groups as an academic community or part of it. Their reaction, interest and commitment is essential.
In Czech thought, Božena Komárková personifies the struggle to set humans free. She developed the problems of freedom with specific re¬ference to human rights. Those were for her not of purely theoretic interest, but rather a principal condition of human progress and dignity. She followed the development of human rights as a specific western unfolding of the Christian idea in confrontation with philosophy. The source of rights cannot refer to humans alone without a reference to transcendence. She based her political philosophy on the analysis of community in Plato and in his Christian heir, Augustine. Her life story testifies to her commitment to humanitarian ideals, confirmed particularly by her civic courage in the time of totalitarian regime. In that spirit, too, she became a signatory of Charta 77. Together with a theological foundation, the philosophical tradition of the first Czechoslovak republic, influenced primarily by the humanistic perspective of T. G. Masaryk, grew in her thought into a powerful educational ethos which remained with her from Nazi prison through subsequent Communist persecution.
Vědecký poradní výbor evropských akademií (European Academies Science Advisory Council - EASAC) sdružuje akademie věd členských zemí EU, Norska a Švýcarska. Záměrem EASAC je připravovat evropským politikům nezávislá vědecká stanoviska a doporučení - každoročně vydává několik souhrnných zpráv nejen pro politiky, ale i laickou veřejnost., Oceans and seas play a crucial role in regulating our climate, nurturing biodiversity, and providing income and food to people around the world. At COP21, governments across the globe agreed that a more aggressive limit for global warming should be set as an essential step toward a more stable relationship between the ocean and climate. In spite of this positive direction, however, marine sustainability faces many challenges, according to a new report issued by the European Academies of Science Advisory Council (EASAC) and the European Commission's Joint Research Centre., and Ondřej Prášil.
The study pursues the process of the Czech Modernism development at the end of the 19th century, observing three streams of thought: realism, progressive movement and modernist literature, whose interconnection in various configurations created the specific shape of the emerging modernism. The well-known "Czech Modernism" proclamation of October 1895 completed the constitutive process and at the same time it was its epitaph. and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
Chen Chieh-jen is currently the most renowned contemporary Taiwanese artist, participating in numerous worldwide art biennals and exhibitions. Firstly, this paper will narrate how Chen managed to become an artist, while, at the same time, an anylysis of Taiwan´s sociopolitical and cultural history will be presented. The analysis will be from an unusual viewpoint: that of Taiwanese contemporary art, a field of study marginalized by Western Scholars in Taiwanese Studies. The testimonies of its protagonists, Taiwanese artists, will also be included. Secondly, the lifting of a 40 year period of martial law in 1987 symbolizes the kickoff point for the development of contemporary Taiwanese art. Chen Chieh-jen, as many other Taiwanese artists, participated in this process. making use of his body to state his sociopolitical stance. This paper will demonstrate how the body became one of the main focal points in contemporary art in Taiwan. Having been hidden by censorship, the body was turned into an instrument of political condemnation, an even a key element in the local claim of Taiwanese identity. And finally, we will analyze how Chen Chien-jen developed his own artistic interpretation of the body, beginning with his political performances and moving onto the recovery of his personal identity and story through the medium of his black and white photographic series.
In this issue, we feature an interview with Markéta Pokorná, representative of the Ústí Region to the EU, and with Jiří Kolman, who represents the South Moravian Region to the EU. These representatives of the Czech Regions to the European Union arrange contacts and provide information about current events in European policy, present and uphold the interest of their regions within the institutions of the European Union, establish co-operation between the regions and other European regions and promote the region abroad. and Lenka Havlíčková, Michaela Vlková.
Management of foreign-currency household debt in Romania in the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis in 2008 had the effect of deepening pre-2008 class disparities and treated debtor categories differently according to their income. In this article we contribute to the debate on subaltern financialisation by showing how post-crisis credit and housing policies contributed to the fact that today different debtor groups (i.e. by type of credit but also by time of lending) find themselves at opposing ends of the political spectrum based on different class alliances, with those who benefited from the crisis-management polices positioning themselves against those who were the ‘losers’ under these same policies.
Autor provádí shrnující komparaci disentu v Československu a Německé demokratické republice v sedmdesátých a osmdesátých letech minulého století, poukazuje na jeho afinity a odlišnosti v obou zemích a nabízí jejich zdůvodnění. Upozorňuje na asymetrie srovnávaných případů, které se týkají rozsahu a povahy pramenného materiálu, stavu a dosažených výsledků historického bádání a užívané terminologie, a upřesňuje pojem disentu, s nímž pracuje. Konstatuje, že disent v českých zemích, zrozený z porážky pražského jara 1968, se diferencoval do reformněkomunistického, křesťanského, liberálního, kulturního a sublkulturního proudu, přičemž tato pluralita byla propojena a zastřešena založením Charty 77 a posléze se rozvíjela i do dalších občanských iniciativ. Na Slovensku, kde Charta 77 nezakotvila, se disent profiloval nábožensky, národně a od poloviny osmdesátých let ekologicky. V NDR zaznívaly v sedmdesátých letech ojedinělé hlasy marxistického disentu a socialistická orientace byla vlastní i nezávislým občanským iniciativám vzniklým v osmdesátých letech, které se vyvíjely v podobě mírového hnutí na půdě evangelické církve. Východoněmecký disent se narozdíl od českého a slovenského vyznačoval relativní generační a ideovou homogenitou, nedisponoval mezinárodně uznávanými intelektuálními autoritami symbolizujícími občanský protest, byl jen slabě programově zakotven a svou legitimizaci neodvozoval z diskurzu lidských práv, ale rétoriky antimilitarismu. Pro odlišnou povahu disentu v NDR byly klíčovými faktory paralelní existence Spolkové republiky a z toho plynoucí masový rozsah emigrace, rozdílné postavení církví a vztah k národní tradici zatížený nacistickým dědictvím, jenž neumožnil názorovou konfrontaci o dějinách, jako tomu bylo v Československu., b1_In this article the author has undertaken a summarizing comparison of dissidents and dissent in Czechoslovakia and East Germany in the 1970s and 1980s, pointing out their similarities and differences, which he endeavours to explain. He points out the asymmetry of the cases he compares, which stems from the nature and scope of the source material, the current state of historical research, and the results that have been achieved, as well as the terminology used. He also offers a more precise definition of dissent and dissidents, which he then employs. He also reminds his reader how dissent and dissidents in the Bohemian Lands, which arose after the defeat of the 1968 Prague Spring reform movement, separated into Reform- -Communist, Christian, liberal, cultural, and sub-culture branches. This pluralism was linked together by the establishment of an umbrella organization, Charter 77, eventually also developing into other groups (občanské iniciativy) of Czechoslovak citizens seeking to act independently of Party and State control. In Slovakia, where Charter 77 never really took root, dissent was expressed in religious, national, and, from the mid-1980s, environmentalist terms. In East Germany in the 1970s, voices of Marxist dissent were sporadically heard and the socialist orientation was also particular to the independent alternative movements (Bürgerinitiative) that emerged in the 1980s and developed as a peace movement in the Protestant Church. East German dissent and dissidents, unlike Czech and Slovak, were characterized by some generational and ideological homogeneity. They did not have at their disposal internationally recognized intellectual authorities who would symbolize civil protest. And they lacked a programme that would help them to put down roots. They derived their legitimacy from the rhetoric of antimilitarism rather than from human-rights discourse., b2_ Of key importance to the different nature of the dissident movement in East Germany were the existence of another German state next door and, related to that, the massive defection to West Germany, the different status of the churches, and the attitude towards a national tradition burdened with the legacy of Nazism, which, unlike in Czechoslovakia, severely hampered the expression of different points of view about the past., and Jan Pauer.