This article aims to investigate the viewpoint of the
Austro-German liberal movement - both ideologically and practically - towards the arguments for Bohemian state rights made by the conservative Bohemian Great Landowners and Czech political parties in the period from 1861 to 1879. The February Patent of 1861 is a convenient starting point because it reintroduced representative bodies to the Habsburg Monarchy and facilitatedthe development of modern democratic politics. The 1879 parliamentary election is this article’s end point since it constituted a significant turning point in Austrian and Bohemian politics. The Austro-German liberals lost the majority in central parliament while the conservative Bohemian Great Landowners and Czech parties attended parliament after a sixteen-year absence, joining the conservative-Slav coalition supporting the government.
The principal argument is that while the Austro-German liberals (particularly the Bohemian-German faction) were generally opposed to Bohemian state rights, this must be qualifi ed by the genuine desire for compromise (under certain conditions), considerable tactical fl exibility and the wider Imperial context. Chronologically, the article focuses on key parliamentary debates to
illustrate the changing relations: the fluid 1860s, the crucial period from 1867 to 1871 (when there was a real possibility of Bohemian state rights) through to the turning point of 1879. and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
From March 1848 through July 1849, the Habsburg Austrian Empire was threatened by revolutionary movements. Much of the revolutionary activity was of a nationalist character: the empire, ruled from Vienna, included Austrian Germans, Hungarians, Slovenes, Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Ruthenians, Romanians, Serbs, Italians, and Croats, all of whom attempted in the course of the revolution to either achieve autonomy, independence, or even hegemony over other nationalities. and Milan Hlavačka.
The paper, a substantially shortened version of the national report prepared for the congress of the International Academy of Comparative Law in 2018, analyses processes of formal and informal constitutional amendment in the Czech Republic. After outlining the basic relevant characteristics of the Czech constitutional amendment in the Czech Republic. After outlining the basic relevant characteristics of the Czech constitution (poly-legality, rigidity, etc.), the paper examines procedural issues of formal constitutional amendment and studies further requirements regarding such constitutional changes, esp. the role of Art. 9 of the Consttitution Several varieties of informal constitutional changes are then briefly presented. The paper assesses the current situation regarding processes of both formal and informal constitutional changes, finding the formal requirements prescribed for a constitutional amendment as sufficient for the relative stability of the constitutional system, being neither extremely strict not benevolent. The paper also points out several open questions regarding the practical application of the unamendability provision of Art. 9(2) of the Constitution in relation to potential constitutional amendments adopted through a constitutional referendum. Finally, the paper deals with the issue of how formal constitutional amendments can impact upon informal constitutional changes, using the example of the introduction of the direct election of the President of the Republic in 2012., Miluše Kindlová., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
The puzzle of material constitution can be expressed in at least two ways. First, how can the constituting object and the constituted object, which are materially and spatially coincident, be regarded as different objects? Second, how can the constituting object and the constituted object, which are qualitatively distinct, be regarded as identical objects? Monists argue that the constituting and constituted objects are identical since they are materially and spatially coincident and the property differences between then are simply differences in description, perspective or context. In contrast, pluralists argue that the constituting and constituted objects are not identical even if they are materially and spatially coincident since they are qualitatively distinct. This paper proposes a solution to the puzzle of material constitution called ‘Fregean Monism’ (FM), and shows that it can better account for the property differences between the constituting and constituted objects without the need to regard them as two distinct objects. On the FM view, the puzzle of material constitution is partly a semantic puzzle and partly a metaphysical puzzle, and shows how a solution to the semantic part of the puzzle, based on the Fregean distinction between sense and reference, can yield a satisfactory solution to the metaphysical part of the puzzle. The key idea is that while the reference of a term picks out both the referent object and referent properties, the sense of the term determine which referent properties are picked out.
Štúdia sa venuje vývoju štruktúry a judikatúry maďarského ústavného súdu v období od demokratickej tranzície až po súčasnosť. Jej prvá časť sa sústreďuje na prezentáciu modelu nominácie a výberu sudcov ústavného súdu v Maďarsku. Nasledujúca časť článku sa zaoberá aktuálnymi teoretickými a praktickými dilemami maďarského ústavného súdu, a to konkrétne vzťahu medzi normami medzinárodného, supranacionálneho a národného práva v novej judikatúre, potom problematikou výdobytkov
historickej ústavy a miestom starších rozhodnutí ústavného súdu v súčasnom právnom poriadku
v Maďarsku. and The paper focuses on the development of the structure and judgments of the Hungarian Constitutional Court between the period of democratic transition and present days. First part of paper concentrates on the model of selection and nomination of constitutional judges in Hungary. The following parts of the article deal with the current theoretical and practical dilemmas of the Hungarian Constitutional Court. Namely it focuses on the relationship between the international, supranational and national legal orders in the new judgements and the problem of achivements of the historical constitution and with the position of the old judgements of constitutional court in the current legal situation in Hungary.
The work analyzes two competing arguments in the issue of abortion and shows that each requires a different theory of personal identity. Further, I analyze those theories and show what moral premises they are compatible with and what implications there are for the abortion debate., Práce analyzuje dva protichůdné argumenty v problematice potratů a ukazuje, že každá z nich vyžaduje jinou teorii osobní identity. Dále analyzuji tyto teorie a ukážu, jaké morální podmínky jsou slučitelné a jaké jsou důsledky pro diskusi o potratech., and Radim Bělohrad
Ústava České republiky vstoupila v platnost v r. 1993. Článek osvětluje okolnosti, za nichž vznikla, byla projednána a schválena. Byla připravena překotně, v informačním vakuu a bez konzultace lidu coby originárního ústavodárce. Nepožívá z uvedených důvodů plné autority a chybí jí předporozumění. I proto, že je sepsána stručně, naléhavě se žádalo, aby byla jasně vyložena. Ústavní soud však k tomu nedostal dostatek příležitostí a jeho výklad nebyl vždy koherentní. Doktrína v důsledku své atomizace výklad Ústavy spíše ještě rozkolísala. Z obou uvedených důvodů se žádá podrobit Ústavu z r. 1993 komplexní revizi a případně do r. 2020 (stoleté výročí první československé ústavy) vypracovat Ústavu zcela novou. Článek obsahuje v tomto ohledu náměty. and The Constitution of the Czech Republic entered into force in 1993. This article explains the circumstances in which it was drafted, discussed and approved. Hurriedly prepared, in a context which was characterized by a lack of transparency and consultation of the original constitutional authority, the People, the Constitution of the Czech Republic lacks “prior understanding”. Given its concise text, the adoption of a clear harmonized interpretation was necessary. However, the Constitutional Court is neither granted sufficient tools nor occasions and its interpretation of various
constitutional provisions has not always been consistent. The Czech doctrine, which is rather fragmented, has also failed to limit the ambiguities in the interpretation of the Constitution.For these two reasons (problems of legitimacy and lack of a unique, consistent interpretation) it should be decided
to examine in- depth both the text of the Constitution and its implementation and, to draft, possibly by 2020 (the centenary of the first Czechoslovak constitution), an entirely new Constitution. The article contains suggestions in this regard.
Článek se pokouší propojit empiricky vnímanou legislativní pravomoc s teoretickými zdroji její legitimity. Je založen na předpokladu, že chápaní Parlamentu a vysokých soudů jako institucí sdílících legislativní suverenitu – relativně populární představa v Británii – může mít určitou vypovídající schopnost i na český ústavní systém. Popisuje přitom základní britská myšlenková schémata ohledně bipolární suverenity a snaží se je při kritickém vyhodnocení použít jako myšlenkovou inspiraci pro reflexi české ústavní teorie, která je spolu s vyhodnocením britské debaty nastíněna v další části textu. Největším problémem, který se však doposud nepodařilo uspokojivě vyřešit, je balancování na hraně mezi oběma takovými suverény.
Na Britských ostrovech tak Trevor Allan upřednostnil soudní převahu (soudy u něj mají pravomoc vyplývající ze samotné podstaty ochrany práv), Paul Craig se pak postavil na stranu Parlamentu. Jak ale Paul Craig připomíná, je slabý soud, který sice nemůže zrušit zákon, ale může ho prohlásit za nelidský? Článek tak ohledně české teorie vede paralelu mezi pojetím Pavla Höllandera a Trevora Allana, přičemž jim přiznává značnou působivost, kterou však v závěru relativizuje. and The paper aims at connecting empirical legislative power with the theory of its legitimacy. The basic claim of the paper is, that the quite common British concept of shared legislative sovereignty is able to produce a certain descriptive outcome if applied to the Czech constitutional system.Most
prominent British models are consequently described and evaluated in order to conclude parallels to the Czech constitutional theory. These parallels are discussed in the next chapter. The attainment of a stable position on the edge between two sovereigns, however, fails to be achieved and represents
the most complex issue. The paper argues that Trevor Allan prefers judicial supremacy (with courts able to invalidate the statute just because of the nature of human rights protection) and that Paul Craig favors the Parliament.Nevertheless,Paul Craig raises an important aspect – is the so called weak court without the power to strike down Parliament’s legislation still weak, when it can declare the legislation to be inhumane? Regarding the Czech constitutional theory, the paper drafts a parallel between the conceptions of Pavel Höllander and Trevor Allan, paying them tribute for impressive results, but eventually is being critical to them.
This article was created to the occasion of Czech presidential election in 2018. In light of the 100th anniversary of Austria and Czechoslovakia the article offers a comparison of Austrian and Czech presidential powers. With regard to common history of both countries it reflects the development from monarchy to a republican system in Austria. The role of president as a representative of statehood is treated with regard to major state functions: legislation, judiciary and administration., Herbert Schambeck., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
Globalization – multifactor phenomenon. Dimensions of globalization. The erosion of state power,global integration of the world and of most states result in the removal of barriers between national and internationalpolicies. The theory of governance: public power is no longer exercised exclusively by state, but its exerciseis participated in significantly by private supranational corporations and nongovernmental organizations. Onstate and global level governance includes the process of participation, negotiation and co-ordination. Its keyinstruments are projects, partnership and consensus – in the first place the knowledge of the process leading tothe achievement of consensus. There are know founding conditions within the existing international order thatrepresent something like a global constitution. Contemporary transition stage to it is global governance.