Rakouský architekt českého původu František Schmoranz mladší (1845–1892) byl zakládajícím ředitelem Uměleckoprůmyslové školy v Praze a v 19. století patřil k průkopníkům vědecky fundovaného orientalismu. Strávil v Egyptě několik let studiem islámské architektury a po návratu do Evropy se stal uznávaným specialistou na orientální stavby i umělecké řemeslo. V roce 1873 byl podle jeho projektu zbudován egyptský pavilon na světové výstavě ve Vídni. Edice představuje fragmenty jeho odeslané osobní i pracovní korespondence, které jsou rozptýleny v různých českých i rakouských archivech. Obsáhlý konvolut chová Wienbibliothek im Rathaus. Dopisy historiku umění Rudolfovi Eitelbergerovi a malíři Bernhardu Fiedlerovi se týkají přípravy historické výstavy islámské architektury, kterou Schmoranz organizoval v roce 1876. Velmi pozoruhodný je dopis architektu Andreasi Streitovi, který informuje o zákulisním dění při volbě výboru pro přípravu slavnostního průvodu k stříbrné svatbě rakouského panovnického páru v roce 1879 a o tenzích mezi vídeňskými umělci, které tuto volbu provázely. Z korespondence uložené v českých archivech jsou do edice zařazeny dopisy z fondu Národního muzea adresované architektu Josefu Schulzovi a Vojtěchu Náprstkovi, v nichž Schmoranz píše o svém pobytu v Káhiře. Schulzova pozůstalost obsahuje ještě další Schmoranzovy listy, z nichž se dozvídáme podrobnosti o přípravě expozice islámské architektury a o Schulzově snaze výstavu reprízovat v Praze. V dalších dopisech Schmoranz referuje o svých aktivitách při pořádání rakouské expozice na světové výstavě v Paříži nebo pražskému kolegovi doporučuje vídeňské řemeslníky. V Památníku národního písemnictví se mj. zachoval Schmoranzův dopis K. B. Mádlovi vztahující se k jeho roli ředitele Uměleckoprůmyslové školy v Praze. and František Schmoranz Jr. (1845–1892), an Austrian architect of Czech origin, was the founding director of the School of Applied Arts in Prague and one of the pioneers of scientifically based Orientalism in the 19th century. He spent several years studying Islamic architecture in Egypt, and upon his return to Europe became a recognised specialist in Oriental buildings and arts and crafts. In 1873, he designed the Egyptian pavilion for the Vienna World’s Fair. This issue presents fragments of both work-related and personal letters that he wrote, which are scattered around various Czech and Austrian archives. A large collection of papers is held by the Wienbibliothek im Rathaus. The letters addressed to the art historian Rudolf Eitelberger and the painter Bernhard Fiedler relate to the preparation of a historical exhibition of Islamic architecture that Schmoranz organised in 1876. A particularly fascinating letter is that sent to the architect Andreas Streit, informing him of goings-on behind the scenes during the election of a committee overseeing the ceremonial parade for the silver wedding of the Austrian royal couple in 1879, and of the tensions between Viennese artists that accompanied the election. From the correspondence stored in Czech archives, the issue includes letters from the National Museum’s collection addressed to the architect Josef Schulz and Vojtěch Náprstek, in which Schmoranz writes about his stay in Cairo. Schulz’s estate contains other of Schmoranz’s papers, from which we learn details of the preparation of an exhibition of Islamic architecture and Schulz’s efforts to reprise the exhibition in Prague. In other letters Schmoranz reports on his activities during the organisation of the Austrian exhibition at the Exposition Universelle in Paris, and recommends Viennese craftsmen to a colleague in Prague. Along with other material, Schmoranz’s letter to Karel Boromejský Mádl regarding the latter’s role as director of the School of Applied Arts in Prague has been preserved at the Museum of Czech Literature.
Oba historici, tentokrát jako pamětníci, si kladou otázku, které se dotkl Petr Pithart ve své memoárové knize Devětaosmdesátý (Praha, Academia 2009): co se dalo udělat, aby se na konci roku 1989 v Československu zabránilo svévolnému ničení a rozkrádání materiálů Státní bezpečnosti a jiných archivních dokumentů? Zpochybňují přitom Pithartovo konstatování, že tento stav byl důsledkem daných společenských poměrů a že nebylo možné jej zásadně ovlivnit. Řešení podle jejich přesvědčení nabízela Historická komise Občanského fóra, jejímiž členy sami byli a jejíž koncepční návrhy na zabezpečení a uchování archivních dokumentů i další aktivity z prosince 1989 a ledna 1990 připomínají. Zamýšlejí se také nad tím, proč tyto návrhy nebyly v Koordinačním centru Občanského fóra vyslyšeny., In this contribution, the authors, both historians, but this time as eye-witnesses, ask the question that Petr Pithart touched upon in his memoirs, Devětaosmdesátý (Eighty-nine; 2009): What could have been done to prevent the widespread destruction and theft of secret-police files and other archive records in Czechoslovakia in late 1989? The authors cast doubt on Pithart’s claim that this state of affairs was a result of the situation in society and that it was impossible to influence it in any fundamental way. The solution, the authors believe, was offered by the Historical Commission of the Civic Forum, of which they were members, whose draft proposals for the security and preservation of archive records, as well as other work from December 1989 and January 1990, they discuss here. They also discuss why these proposals were not given a fair hearing in the Coordinating Centre of the Civic Forum., and Diskuse
This article charts the path and the activity of the Andalusian nobleman Pero Tafur in the Czech lands at the end of 1438 and beginning of 1439. The visit formed part of his extensive four-year journey across European countries, the Middle East, and the Mediterranean. The main motive was to meet with King of the Romans and of Bohemia Albert II. The meeting occured in February 1439 in Wroclaw, where Tafur arrived via Prague and Saxony in the entourage of the royal chancellor Kaspar Schlick, and from there he continued through Moravia to the south to Austria. The rather obscur testimony of the well-travelled knight is not only a remarable document of this monarch as a person and the contemporary historical context of Albert´s brief reign, but also provides an interesting image of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia in the atmosphere of the slowly extinguishing Hussite wars., Jaroslav Svátek., and Obsahuje literaturu a odkazy pod čarou
From the 1780s on, the court of the Princes of Schwarzenberg generally maintained four or five personal doctors. These privileged positions were frequently held by individuals who also practised as municipal or county physicians. In their castles in Bohemia the Schwarzenbergs also employed surgeons and apothecaries, and in line with the professionalization of medical care during the Enlightenment they attached great importance to the training of health workers. In the first three decades of the 19th century health care in the context of the Schwarzenberg primogeniture became even more specialized and the number of medical staff on the various Schwarzenberg estates increased. In addition to their own physicians, the Schwarzenbergs also entrusted their health needs to eminent medical experts drawn primarily from the Habsburg court and the University of Vienna and later, from the 1830s on, to many doctors working in the Czech Lands. This study considers the relationship between the high nobility as representatives of social elites on the one hand and the Enlightenment medicalization of society with its professionalization of health care on the other. It maps the structure of medical care within one aristocratic family and their estates and its transformation over a fifty‐year period. It also attempts to discover who the Schwarzenbergs’ doctors were and what socio‐cultural background they came from., Václav Grubhoffer., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
V této edici Jitka Vondrová předkládá dosud neznámý elaborát historika Václava Krále nazvaný „Informace o stavu československé historiografie“, který byl předán 21. srpna 1969 – tedy v den prvního výročí invaze armád Varšavské smlouvy do Československa – na sovětském velvyslanectví v Praze a určen v prvé řadě do rukou tajemníka pro ideologii Ústředního výboru Komunistické strany Sovětského svazu Pjotra I. Děmičeva. Editorka dokument objevila v materiálech oddělení propagandy ÚV KSSS v Ruském státním archivu pro nejnovější dějiny (Rossijskij gosudarstvennyj archiv novejšej istorii) v Moskvě. Obsahem dokumentu je hodnocení poměrů ve zdejší historiografii nejnovější doby z krajně dogmatických pozic. Pisatel „odhaluje“ mocnou nátlakovou skupinu, respektive „teroristický gang“ mezi historiky, která se s pomocí „reakčních živlů“ v ústředních orgánech KSČ (tedy reformních komunistů) pokouší ovládnout mocenské pozice v historiografii a zvrátit výklad československých dějin ve 20. století od pojetí marxistického k buržoaznímu ve smyslu masarykovské ideologie. Za vůdce této skupiny označuje Milana Hübla a Jana Křena, mezi další její protagonisty řadí například Viléma Prečana, Milana Otáhala, Karla Bartoška nebo Václava Kurala. Identifikuje také centra „kontrarevoluce v historiografii“, zejména Ústav dějin KSČ, Vysokou školu politickou ÚV KSČ, oddělení nejnovějších dějin v Historickém ústavu ČSAV a Českou historickou společnost. Závěrem uvádí konkrétní návrhy na reorganizaci jednotlivých historických institucí a doporučuje propustit a zcela vykázat z odborné sféry přibližně sto čtyřicet historiků. V obsáhlém úvodním komentáři editorka zasazuje dokument do kontextu politických aktivit radikálně levicového křídla v Komunistické straně Československa po srpnu 1968 a také do souvislostí tehdejšího vývoje československé historiografie a kariéry autora dokumentu. Václav Král (1926–1983) byl marxistický historik skálopevně dogmatického myšlení a zabýval se nejnovějšími československými dějinami, zejména obdobím zániku první republiky a německé okupace. Svou kariéru započal v padesátých letech, v roce 1962 se stal ředitelem Československo-sovětského institutu. Během šedesátých let se však ideologická schémata, jimiž nahlížel na dějiny, stávala předmětem kritiky a Král se odborně ocital v izolaci od hlavního proudu československého dějepisectví, jehož protagonisté usilovali o restituci historiografie jako kritické vědy a její osvobození od přímé závislosti na politice. Jeho šance znovu přišla po vpádu intervenčních vojsk, kdy se intenzivně zapojil do činnosti krajní levice, v komunistické straně. Ta sloužila jako přímá páka sovětského vlivu, předkládala radikální požadavky na odsouzení „pražského jara“ jako kontrarevoluce a odvolání všech jeho stoupenců a tlačila i nového generálního tajemníka ÚV KSČ k zaujímání stále konformnějších prosovětských stanovisek. Václav Král si přitom ve svém elaborátu vyřizoval i osobní účty s historiky, kteří ho kritizovali. Brzy poté sám nemilosrdně realizoval politiku čistek v praxi v Československo-sovětském institutu a v Historickém ústavu. V čase „normalizace“ pak svou pozici historického prominenta dále upevnil, když se stal předsedou vědeckého kolegia ČSAV, vedoucím katedry historie na Filozofické fakultě Univerzity Karlovy a byl jmenován profesorem., In this edition, Jitka Vondrová presents a hitherto unknown report by the historian Václav Král (1926–1983). Entitled “Informace o stavu československé historiografie” (Information on the State of Czechoslovak Historiography), the report was presented at the Soviet Embassy, Prague, on 21 August 1969 (on the first anniversary of the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact intervention in Czechoslovakia), and was intended primarily for Piotr N. Demichev, Secretary for Ideology at the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). Vondrová discovered the document amongst material of the Propaganda Department of the CPSU in the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History, Moscow. The document is an assessment of the state of Czechoslovak contemporary history from extremely dogmatic positions. Král “exposes” a powerful interest group, which he portrays as a “terrorist gang,” amongst the historians. With the help of “reactionary elements” in the central organs of the Czechoslovak Communist Party (that is, the reform Communists) the group was trying to gain the upper hand in historiography and return the interpretation of Czechoslovak history in the twentieth century from the Marxist conception to the bourgeois in the sense of Masarykian ideology. He calls Milan Hübl (1927–1989) and Jan Křen (b. 1930) the leaders of the group, which included Vilém Prečan (b. 1933), Milan Otáhal (b. 1928), Karel Bartošek (1930–2004), and Václav Kural (b. 1928). He also identifies the centre of “counter-revolution in historiography,” particularly the Institute of History of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the Party University, the Department of Contemporary History in the Institute of History at the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences, and the Czech Historical Society. He concludes with some concrete proposals for the reorganization of the individual institutions of historical research, and recommends dismissing about 140 historians and banning them from the field altogether. In a comprehensive introduction, the editor puts this document into the context of the political activities of the radically left wing of the Czechoslovak Communist Party after the Soviet-led occupation in late August 1968 and also into the context of contemporaneous developments in Czechoslovak historiography and the career of the author of the document. Král was a dogmatic Marxist historian of contemporary Czechoslovak history, particularly of the end of the First Republic and the German occupation. His career began in the 1950s, and in 1962 he became head of the Czechoslovak-Soviet Institute., In the 1960s, however, the ideological models he employed in historiography came under criticism, and Král found himself isolated from the mainstream of Czechoslovak historiography as the leading historians endeavoured to have historiography restored as a critical discipline free from direct dependence on politics. Král was given another chance after the Soviet-led military intervention, when he became seriously involved in the extreme left wing of the Communist Party. A direct instrument of Soviet influence, this wing of the CPCz put forward radical demands for the condemnation of the “Prague Spring” as a counter-revolution and for the dismissal of all those who supported it. It also put pressure on the new general secretary of the Central Committee of the CPCz to take up increasingly conformist, pro-Soviet positions. In his report, Král is also settling personal accounts with historians who criticized him. Soon after writing it, he himself mercilessly carried out the policy of purges in the Czechoslovak-Soviet Institute and the Historical Institute. In the period of “Normalization” he then shored up his own position as a prominent historian when he became Chairman of the Academic Board of the Czechoslovak Academy and Head of the Department of History at the Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague, and was also given a professorship., and Dokumenty
The present study aims at sketching some aspects of the last phase of existence of one mixed Czech-German community (Karlov-Libinsdorf), on the basis of ethnographic and historical sources. It offers a reflection of a more general process from the point of view of a local microlevel, a process that finally resulted in the ethnic homogneization of the Czech lands. The analysis of the controversy fo r national character of the community is being realized, on the one hand, through the study of the competition for the character of national schools in the locality, and, on the other hand, through the symbolical importance that the contesting parties ascribed to the existence of this mixed enclave. As a result of the general ethnic homogneization, the inhabitants of the naturally double-language community were confronted with the necessity of the unequivical declaration of their ethnicity. The nacionalization of the collective identity of the local inhabitants and the necessity of the „actualization“ of this identity according to the political situation of the moment was being imposed through the general social context and through the movement of „ethnic defense“ that was being incited from the outside, by the representants of the „defense associations“ The possible alternatives, however, were in competition one to another and, at the same time, they were inconsistent with the „traditional“ local (i.e. non-ethnic) identity. This dilemma hadbeen „imported“ from the outside, from the makrosocial level, but had to be solved on the level of local everyday life. In the situation of real existence of two different (ethnic) linguistic groups in the community under study, however, didn't exist the need to express the social reality through explicitly ethnical cathegories. If this expression was realized, it was in the direction to the outside, especially as a reaction to the demands from part of the State administration to define unequivocally the ethnic denomination - for example, for the use of the population censuses at the times of the Austria-Hungary and the Czechoslovak Republic or during the Protectorate when asking for the citizenship of the Protectorate or of the Reich - or in connexion with the regular interventions of the nationally outspoken activists. Similarly, also the institutionalized form of the „national struggle“ that seemingly found its possibility for expression in creating theparallel social structures in the community acquired such imposed character. There are many arguments for the assumption that the rivalry of the nationalist associations didn’t stem from the authentic local conditions. The local inhabitants could not be labeled as the ori and ginators of the conflicts with nationalist bacground, even though they have been sometimes perceived as the actors of such conflicts. We can sum up that the nationalization of the social ties didn’t occur spontaneously and represents rather a product of the interventions to the life of the community and a response to the ethnic enunciation imposed from the outside
Biologie dekompozitorů byla vždy tak trochu na druhé koleji širšího vědeckého i veřejného zájmu. Není se trochu čemu divit – než se přehrabovat v něčem nevábném, je pohodlnější pozorovat zvířata na rostlinách či jejich predátory. Nicméně dekompozitoři si naši pozornost zaslouží už jen tím, že po nás uklízejí, ať jde o kontinuální úklid koprofágů, tak o jednorázový úklid, který po nás provedou nekrofágové, a tím pomáhají udržovat to krásné a přitažlivé v chodu a stabilitě. Z koprofágů se již od věků pyramid těší jisté pozornosti koprofágní brouci, nicméně za poslední léta o nich v naší literatuře mnoho slyšet nebylo. Cílem tohoto článku je tedy představit širší veřejnosti tyto koprofágní brouky s jejich osobitou a zajímavou ekologií, která zajímavě ovlivnila jednu lidskou kulturou., Dung beetles are introduced as an important and interesting ecological group. Their ecology, what they eat and their impact on human culture and society are reviewed. Although they are no longer considered to be a deity, dung beetles still prove to be highly beneficial for both nature and human society, thanks to their degradation of dung., and František Xaver Jiří Sládeček.
The article presents the results of the social-anthropological field research realized in the town of Tachov and several adjacent villages (especially Lesná, Mýto). It focuses on the mapping of the so called small history, identified through the biographical method, that is, stories related to the lives of the interviewed persons. It analyzes the situation during and after the return migration and final settlement of the region, as it is presented in the memories of the participants of the provesses of settlement, as well as their descendants. The article is structured into several blocks according to the priorities of the narratives, ascertained during the field research. These priorities are: memories of the industry of the pre-war era, the theme of return migrants and settlers, their integration and mutual relations with other ethnic groups. At the same time, it was possible to create an image of the spontaneous tale-telling repertoire. The main purpose of the research was to follow-up with the researches of the region realized in the 1970s and 1980s and to supplement them with new data.
In this article the author examines the coexistence of the Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren and the Communist regime in the fi rst several years after the Communist takeover, 1948–56. The first part of his analysis, inspired by French and German research on the social history of power by Sandrine Kott and Thomas Lindenberger, outlines the points of contact as well as ideological and political affinities between Protestants and Communists before the February 1948 takeover. These were particularly clear in the Protestant weekly Kostnické jiskry (Sparksfrom Constance) after the Second World War. Owing to this rapprochement andalso to their refl exes developed for survival in the unfavourable circumstances the Protestant minority adapted with relative success to conditions in the Communist dictatorship. To consolidate themselves, they skilfully used instruments offered by the regime, such as “voluntary” work groups (brigády), while the regime relied on Protestants (particularly ministers) in some of its important political strategies such as collectivization and elections. The author pays particular attention to the theologian and philosopher Josef Lukl Hromádka (1889–1969), who was, in his day, a central figure amongst Czechoslovak Protestants. His “instrumentalization” also operated in two directions: in the West, as a representative of Christian peace activities, he helped to create the illusion of religious freedom in Communist Czechoslovakia, but he also served Protestants as a “shield” and mediator enabling them to establish and maintain contacts with Western theologians. In the article the author also seeks to demonstrate that assiduous analysis of archive records of State, Party, and Church provenance reveals the inner contradictions in the Communist apparat regarding relations with the churches and its own powers as well as links of alliance amongst some of its organs and the churches.
Th e article presents the Marxist feminist perspective on primitive accumulation and early capitalist history put forward by Silvia Federici in her work, Caliban and the Witch: Women, the Body, and Primitive Accumulation. According to Federici and other Marxist feminists, Marx’s description of the origins of capitalism lacks an important diff erentiation. Whereas in Capital the main focus is placed on the male, waged proletariat, Federici focuses more on the changes in gender relations and status of women that accompany the process of primitive accumulation. Th e article fi rstly situates the origins of feminist perspectives on primitive accumulation into their historical context and links them with their preceding debates. Th e following sections then present a comparison of Marx’s and Federici’s account of primitive accumulation and the early history of capitalism. Th e article mainly focuses on the forms of primitive accumulation that are absent in Capital. Th ese forms include, above all, a new division of labour, subjugation of reproduction to the needs of capital, and an economical, legal, cultural, and symbolical degradation of women.
‘Carantanian / Köttlach’ jewellery from southwest Slovakia and from the other parts of the Carpathian Basin. In the Slovak and Hungarian archaeological literature, a small group of early medieval jewellery from southwest Slovakia was labelled as being of ‘Carantanian / Köttlach’ provenance, meaning that it originated from Eastern Alps region (today’s Austria and Slovenia). The goal of the article is a revision of the issue of provenance in the context of analogous finds from Moravia and the Carpathian Basin (i.e. today’s Hungary, western Romania and northeastern Croatia). The provenenace from the Eastern Alps region can be confirmed in the case of several Slovak finds only, the others are of local origin. Also, from the point of view of chronology, we are dealing with a relatively heterogenous group of jewellery, with a date-range from the turn of the 8th-9th centuries to the 11th century. The author tries to demonstrate that the argument in the middle of the 20th century and later about the ‘influences from the Eastern Alps region’ was dependent on the state of archaeological research at that time. It was a viewpoint that over-emphasised the importance of early medieval ‘Köttlach culture’ in Eastern Alps region, especially for the spreading of some jewellery types to other regions of middle and southeastern Europe., Šimon Ungerman., and Obsahuje seznam literatury
The article deals with the question of correct reconstruction of and solutions to the ancient paradoxes. Analyzing one contemporary example of a reconstruction of the so-called Crocodile Paradox, taken from Sorensen’s A Brief History of Paradox, the author shows how the original pattern of paradox could have been incorrectly transformed in its meaning by overlooking its adequate historical background. Sorensen’s quoting of Aphthonius, as the author of a certain solution to the paradox, seems to be a systematic failure since the time of Politiano’s erroneous attributing it to Aphthonius. In the conclusion, the author claims that neglecting the historical background of the ancient paradoxes into account, we are neither able to evaluate their modern interpretations as adequate nor their solutions as successful., Článek se zabývá otázkou správné rekonstrukce a řešení starověkých paradoxů. Analýza jednoho současného příkladu rekonstrukce tzv. Krokodýlového paradoxu, převzatého z Sorensenovy stručné historie paradoxu , ukazuje, jak mohl být původní vzor paradoxu ve svém významu nesprávně transformován tím, že přehlédl jeho historické pozadí. Sorensenovo citování Aphthoniusa, jako autora určitého řešení paradoxu, se jeví jako systematické selhání od doby, kdy ho politiánův omyl přisuzoval Aphthoniusovi. V závěru autorka prohlašuje, že zanedbání historického pozadí starověkých paradoxů není schopno hodnotit jejich moderní interpretace jako adekvátní ani jejich řešení jako úspěšná., and Vladimír Marko
The issue of migration among the rural population living on the lands of the Czech Crown in the early modern age continues to attract only marginal attention in Czech historiography. Therefore, those people who lived on the very edge of that society remain outside the scope of research interest. The Romany Gypsies who were bom without homes, lie also outside the traditional focus of attention. In the early modern age, anyone could kill a Romany Gypsy without punishment; people were meant to despise them and were even supposed to persecute them. The Romany Gypsies were therefore forced to develop a specific strategy of action, which was intended to help them survive, and a significant role in this strategy was played by migration. A condition for survival was not only the need to maintain a strong internal structure within the Romany Gypsy group, but also the need to create ties with a settled society. These ties ensured, in the case of a threat, at least some form of a rudimentary protective social network. Such ties were probably passed down from generation to generation and the Romany Gypsies therefore, as much as was possible, restricted their movements to only well-known areas. On their travels through the landscape they tried to obtain food not only through begging and theft, but also by telling fortunes and reading palms, skilfully taking advantage of the fact that in the eyes of the settled population their lives were cloaked in mystery. However, they never forgot to emphasise their ties to the land in which they were bom and the impossibility of leaving it for another land. A question remains for further research as to whether they were persecuted for their ethnic origin or whether it was because of their nomadic lifestyle, which enabled them to evade the mechanisms of social control.
Studie se věnuje problematice podnikového managementu a úskalím „socialistické kontroly“ v československých podnicích v období pozdního socialismu. S využitím pramenů Komunistické strany Československa a Státní bezpečnosti, dobových textů a odborných publikací ukazuje, jak se stranické a státní orgány neúspěšně snažily učinit z kontroly funkční nástroj realizace hospodářské politiky státostrany. Autor analyzuje používané kontrolní mechanismy a nastiňuje základní příčiny až fatálního selhání kontrolní činnosti systému, jenž byl svým způsobem kontrolou doslova posedlý. Vysvětluje systémovou podmíněnost kontroly, kterou socialističtí manažeři dokázali v mnoha ohledech přizpůsobit potřebám svěřených hospodářských jednotek, což přirozeně nekorespondovalo s celospolečenskými zájmy. Na příkladech řady konkrétních kauz studie názorně ukazuje, že si československý podnikový management v osmdesátých letech dvacátého století plně uvědomoval systémové, politické i společenské limity kontrolní činnosti, kterou vcelku úspěšně dokázal přizpůsobit vnitropodnikovým podmínkám. Výsledkem byl stav, kdy stranické vedení reagovalo na stále očividnější symptomy „agonie centrálně plánované ekonomiky“ přijímáním rozmanitých směrnic a direktiv pro zefektivnění kontroly a důsledné prosazování zásady „kdo řídí - kontroluje“. Očekávaný efekt ovšem nenastal a nefunkčnost kontroly přispěla nakonec nemalou měrou ke zhroucení komunistického režimu v Československu., The study deals with issues of corporate management and pitfalls of the "socialist supervision" in Czechoslovak enterprises in the period of late socialism. Using documents of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and the State Security, period texts and specalized publications, it shows how party organs and state authorities were unsuccessfully trying to make supervisory mechanisms and audits a functional tool of the implementation of the ruling party´s economic policy. The author analyzes the supervisory and audit mechanisms that were used, and outlines basic reasons of the almost fatal failure of supervisory activities of the system which was, in a way obsessed with supervison and control. He explains the systemic conditionality of the supervisory system which socialist managers often and in many respects bent to suit the needs of the enterprises they were in charge of; such situation naturally did not match the needs of the society as a whole. Using many specific cases as an example, the study graphically shows that members of the Czechoslovak corporate management community in the 1980s were fully aware of systemic political and social limitations of the supervisory system which they managed to modify, fairly successfully, to suit intra-corporate conditions. The result was a situation in which the party leadership was reacting to increasingly obvious symptoms of the "agony of the centrally planned economy" by adopting various directives and guidelines to make the supervisory process more effective and to consistently promote the "whoever manages - supervises" principle. However, the anticipated effect did not materialize and, at the end of the day, the non-functional supervisory mechanisms made a substantial contribution to the collapse of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia., Tomáš Vilímek., and Obsahuje bibliografii a bibliografické odkazy
The Grounds of Concrete Logic (Základové konkretné logiky) is often taken to be a work in which Masaryk attempts to outline, in a methodical way, his conception of philosophy as “a real scientific metaphysics”. Nevertheless, we often hear from the Masaryk’s critics, and even from his followers, that the book appears to be no more than a transcription of Comte’s Cours de philosophie positive. Even if the classification of the
sciences was one of the main philosophical and scientific problems with which Masaryk was engaged throughout his life, in the emphasis on concrete sciences, and in the working out of the relations between particular sciences and categories, Masaryk goes beyond Comte. This point is supported, at the same time, by the many critical notes concerning the inadequacy of Comte’s epistemological grounding, which Masaryk links, above all, to a critique of Comte’s phenomenalism. The specific quality and the critical reference of the book for future generations of Czech philosophers consists in its principled status and realist aim. Concrete logic should bring us to the ultimate ontological points of departure – to things themselves. In his prioritising of the need to seek the sense of things, Masaryk belongs to the modern thinkers who showed to Czech philosophy new possibilities and ways of approach to reality in a strictly scientific spirit.
Klíšťata sají obrovské množství krve, která je jejich jediným zdrojem živin a energie. Přesný enzymatický mechanismus zpracování krve ve střevě klíšťat však kupodivu nebyl donedávna vůbec znám. Náš komplexní molekulární model trávení hostitelského hemoglobinu u klíštěte obecného (Ixodes ricinus) poprvé odhalil analogii enzymatického aparátu s krevsajícími ploštěnci a hlísticemi, a zároveň tato znalost představuje zásadní poznatek pro účinný boj s klíšťaty a jimi přenášenými patogeny., Ticks (in this case Ixodidae and Argasidae) feed on enormous amounts of host blood, which provides their ultimate source of energy and nutrients. There has been only limited evidence on the exact molecular mechanisms of blood digestion in ticks. For the first time, our complex enzymatic model of proteolytic digestion in the Common Tick (Ixodes ricinus) reveals the analogy of tick intestinal proteolysis with bloodfeeding platyhelminthes and nematodes and presents a future application potential in tick or tick-borne pathogen interventions., and Daniel Sojka.
The length of the already completed period of military service played an unofficial but exceptionally important role in the everyday practice of a military service (MS) soldier conscripted into the army for two years (730 days). The period that was getting always shorter and that remained to their return to civilian life (the “number”) significantly or even fundamentally strengthened the real position of a MS soldier within military community in barracks premises, and especially in a partial segment thereof (at the level “platoon, company”), a part of which the MS soldier was. The number was important for creating his ongoing social statute, mainly it determined the classification of a soldier in a clearly defined category (rookie, senior on fatigue duty, old sweat, super old sweat etc.), on which his position within the community of MS soldiers was dependent. The number was a symbol of the above-mentioned
variable process, and a lot of essential attributes, which left significant marks on the everyday life in barracks and outside them, related to it. The importance of this number was big enough to be called the “cult of number”.
This article deals with the multiple murders of Roma people committed by a number of local citizens in Pobedim, a village in West Slovakia,during the night of October 1-2, 1928, which could be understood as an anti-Roma pogrom. Attention is paid to the interactions between different Czechoslovak state authorities such as gendarmerie, the district office, provincial office, court and municipalities in the region shortly before the outbreak of the
pogrom and in its aftermath. Drawing on Giorgio Agamben´s theory elaborated for the analysis of anti-Gypsy measures by various scholars, e.g. Jennifer Illuzzi, the author argues that the extreme violence resulted from the tensions and conflicts between those historical actors who enforced the contemporary anti-Gypsy measures on the regional level and which led to the creation of
the state of exception for the population labeled as Gypsies. The analysis also reveals the variety of contemporary practices of exclusion towards the population labeled as Gypsies in interwar Czechoslovakia. Despite the fact that the Roma were victims of a brutal assault even the trials attest to the extreme asymmetry of power between the accused portrayed as “decent citizens” and
the bare lives of the Roma. Because the executive state authorities circumvented the judiciary and forged their own solution allegedly more suited to the public interest, the Roma were caught in the state of exception. Furthermore,the article shows how ideas of Gypsies´ internment in various types of forced labor camps as a permanent and spatial embodiment of the state of exception
stemmed from the dynamic of enforcing anti-Gypsy measures. and Obsahuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
Úvod: U 60 % nemocných s kolorektálním karcinomem jsou diagnostikovány jaterní metastázy (JMKRK), ať už v době stanovení diagnózy, nebo v průběhu léčby. Chirurgická léčba je jedinou potenciálně kurabilní metodou s pětiletým přežíváním dosahujícím cca 50 %. Jaterní resekci však podstoupí méně než 20 % pacientů s JMKRK. Společnou snahou onkologů a chirurgů je navýšit počet resekovaných pacientů. Jedním z postupů, jak navýšit resekabilitu JMKRK, je „liver first approach“ (LFA). Autoři prezentují vlastní předběžné výsledky této metody. Metody: Do multicentrického grantu IGA MZ NT 13660 – Hodnocení kvality multimodální péče u nemocných s jaterními metastázami kolorektálního karcinomu – bylo od září 2012 do ledna 2015 zařazeno v ÚVN 102 pacientů. LFA jsme použili u 12 pacientů (12 %). Po příznivé léčebné odpovědi neoadjuvantní systémové léčby jsme pacienty indikovali k resekci jater. U 11 pacientů se jednalo o mnohočetné (>4 meta) bilobární postižení. V jednom případě se jednalo o objemnou solitární metastázu pravého jaterního laloku. Primární tumor byl u 9 nemocných v rektu, u 3 v oblasti rektosigmatu, 3 pacienti měli derivační kolostomii, ostatní byli bez poruchy pasáže. Výsledky: U 11 pacientů jsme provedli R0 resekci jaterních metastáz, 3x jsme indikovali dvoufázovou hepatektomii s portální embolizací (PVE), 1x jsme pro progresi po PVE ustoupili od 2. fáze). Velkou resekci jsme provedli 7x, neanatomickou resekci včetně RFA 11x (6x v kombinaci s velkou resekcí). Perioperační mortalita byla nulová, morbidita 33 % (Dindo-Clavien >2). 10 pacientů absolvovalo adjuvantní chemoterapii, 7 z nich včetně radioterapie malé pánve pro lokálně pokročilý tumor rekta. U 7 pacientů (58 %) jsme doplnili resekci primárního tumoru. V současné době zemřeli na progresi onemocnění 2 pacienti (17 %), progresi onemocnění jsme zaznamenali u 6 pacientů (50 %). Závěr: LFA považujeme za vhodný především u pacientů s generalizovaným tumorem rekta, kdy lze po resekci jater adjuvantní systémovou léčbu kombinovat s radioterapií malé pánve. Otázkou zůstává načasování operace primárního tumoru, kdy je nutné vyloučit recidivu jaterních metastáz, která se objevuje u více než 50 % pacientů. Profit LFA musí být prokázán randomizovanými studiemi., Introduction: Liver metastases are diagnosed in 60% of patients with colorectal cancer, both at the time of diagnosis or later in the course of their management. Surgical treatment is the sole potentially curable method with 5–year overall survival of approximately 50%. However, only less than 20% of patients underwent liver resection. A joint effort of medical oncologists and surgeons is to increase the numbers of resected patients. The “liver first approach” (LFA) is one of approaches aimed at increasing resecability. The authors present their preliminary results using this method. Methods: 102 patients were included in the multicentre study supported by the grant IGA NT 13660 − Evaluation of quality of multimodal treatment for patients with colorectal cancer liver metastases – conducted at the Central Military Hospital between September 2012 and January 2015. We used LFA in 12 patients (12%). Patients were indicated for liver resection based on good response to neoadjuvant systemic therapy. Multiple bilobar liver involvement (>4 metastases) was present in 11 cases and one large solitary metastasis in the right liver lobe in one case. The primary tumor was located in the rectum in 9 patients, in the rectosigmoid in 3 patients; 3 patients had a colostomy. Others showed no signs of bowel obstruction. Results: We have performed R0 resections in 11 cases, and two-stage hepatectomy with portal vein embolisation was indicated 3 times (in one case we did not finish the second stage due to quick progression after PVE). We performed major resections 7 times, along with sever extraanatomic resections, incl. 11 RFA (6 times in combination with major resections). Perioperative mortality was 0%, morbidity 33% (Dindo-Clavien >2). Ten patients underwent adjuvant chemotherapy, in 7 cases including radiotherapy of the small pelvis due to a local advanced primary tumor. Resection of the primary tumor was done in 7 patients (58%). Two patients died recently because of disease progression (17%); progression was observed in 6 patients (50%). Conclusion: We deem the LFA suitable especially for patients with metastatic rectal tumors where adjuvant systemic therapy can be combined with radiotherapy. The timing of the resection of the primary tumor still remains a question: it is necessary to rule out potential recurrence of liver metastases, which affected more than 50% of the patients. The benefit of LFA must be confimed by randomised studies., and J. Pudil, S. Batko, K. Menclová, M. Bláha, M. Ryska
The struggle between Eliška Krásnohorská (1847–1926) and the proponentsof the monthly Lumír, including Josef Václav Sládek (1845–1912) and JaroslavVrchlický (1853–1912), clearly reflects the situation amongst Czech critics and ofKrásnohorská herself in late 1870s and early 1880s. By considering Krásnohorská’sefforts, the article seeks to examine the well-known dispute, which took place inthe periodicals of the times, in associations of artists like the Umělecká beseda, at private meetings, and of course in private correspondence. The bone of contentionwas the nature of criticism, the new aesthetics, and the power of literature.Among other things, this had a suppressed gender aspect, since it had to do witha woman’s right to be a critic, though her position was advantageously supportedby nationalist patriotic interests. Lastly, it is noted that the Lumír proponents’dispute overlapped with the initial difficultly Realism had making its way intoCzech literature.
In this paper author focuses on mental representation of ethnic and racial groups in Gabčíkovo village in Slovakia. The objective is to show, that to explain ethnic and racial classification, we need to regard two factors. The first one is social interactions. It means the social, cultural, historical and political conditions of social phenomenon. The second is the cognitive processes of the mind: in what ways the human mind operates particular external information. To explain ethnic and racial classification, the author uses the framework of cognitive anthropology, in particular theory of folk sociology.
Čeleď brukvovitých patří k největším rostlinným čeledím; zahrnuje 49 tribů, 321 rodů a 3 660 druhů. Zájem vědců o tuto rostlinnou skupinu vzrostl především díky ustanovení huseníčku rolního (Arabidopsis thaliana) modelovým druhem a sekvenování jeho genomu. To v r. 2000 odstartovalo mimo jiné bouřlivý rozvoj srovnávací fylogenomiky a cytogenomiky, včetně úspěšného zavedení metody malování chromozomů (chromosome painting) huseníčku a její aplikace na další zástupce brukvovitých (srovnávací malování chromozomů; comparative chromosome painting, CCP). Metoda CCP umožňuje studium chromozomové kolinearity, rozpoznání chromozomových přestaveb, porovnání struktury chromosomů nebo jejich částí mezi jednotlivými druhy a rekonstrukci struktury celých karyotypů. Brukvovité jsou jedinou rostlinnou čeledí, u níž je v tomto rozsahu metoda CCP použitelná. Srovnávací cytogenetické mapy brukvovitých tak představují zcela unikátní typ dat o evoluci rostlinných karyotypů a genomů., Whole-genome sequencing of the model plant Arabidopsis thaliana has stimulated a rapid development of comparative phylogenomics and cytogenomics, including the invention of chromosome painting in A. thaliana and comparative chromosome painting (CCP) in other species of the Brassicaceae (Cruciferae) family. This is the only plant family in which large-scale CCP is feasible. CCP provides unique insights into the karyotype and genome evolution in plants by comparing chromosome collinearity, identification of chromosome rearrangements, construction of comparative cytogenetic maps, and reconstruction of ancestral karyotype structures., and Terezie Mandáková.
The paper deals with the discourse and argumentation of Czech women's movement on the question of women's suffrage. It focuses on the example of municipal women's suffrage and aims to outline how the intersecton of class and sex, as categories defining women's locatio in the hierarchical power relation, influenced the framing of their argumentation meaning of the used concepts and their perception of the "enemy". and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
The aim of the paper is to provide an interpretation of Schopenhauer’s criticism of Kantian philosophy in its three pivotal areas: the notion of metaphysics, the basics of epistemology and ethical theory. The study shows the grounding of this criticism in the rehabilitation of the world in its immediate givenness. The next point of discussion is an analogy of Schopenhauer’s ethics in relation to Kant, its inner contradiction related to the concepts of compassion and resignation, as well as their inspiring character. and Stať interpretuje hlavní body Schopenhauerovy kritiky Kantovy filosofie: koncept metafyziky, východiska teorie poznání a rozvrh etiky. Jejich společným jmenovatelem je rehabilitace bezprostředně daného světa, „v němž žijeme a jsme“. Spolu s tím se ukazuje jednak analogie Schopenhauerova projektu metafyziky vůle ke Kantově metafyzice autonomie, za druhé jeho rozporuplnost, projevující se zejména v motivech soucitu a rezignace, a nakonec inspirativní význam těchto motivů.
Autoři zkoumají proměny v pojímání, organizování, trávení a formách volného času v době od nastolení monopolní vlády komunistického strany do druhé poloviny padesátých let, kdy se tato sféra začala výrazněji měnit pod vlivem konzumních trendů. Své téma pojednávají v souvislosti s vládnoucí ideologií i se změnami hospodářské, sociální a kulturní politiky. Reflektují genderové rozdíly, kontrasty mezi městem a venkovem, specifika určitých sociálních skupin a zvláštní pozornost věnují volnému času mládeže a dětí. Komunistický převrat v únoru 1948 přitom nechápou jako nějaký zásadní předěl ve sféře volného času, ale předvádějí kontinuity i rozdíly mezi obdobím limitované demokracie v letech 1945 až 1948 a roky následujícími, v některých případech pak poukazují i na shodné rysy v přístupu státu k volnočasovým aktivitám v době protektorátní a poúnorové (odmítání jazzové hudby, „brakové“ kultury a vůbec vlivů západního životního stylu). Autoři konstatují, že se komunistický režim snažil intenzivně zasahovat do volby trávení volného času a modelovat tak nový typ člověka v nových společenských podmínkách. Zejména na konci čtyřicátých a začátku padesátých let se přitom oficiálně natolik zdůrazňoval význam budovatelské práce, že volný čas byl vnímán s jistým despektem jako „nutné zlo“, jež slouží výhradně k načerpání fyzických a duševních sil pro další zvyšování pracovního výkonu. Za stejným účelem a také s ohledem na koncepci demokratizace kultury byly preferovány aktivní a kulturní způsoby trávení volného času, jako bylo politické a odborné sebevzdělávání nebo osvojování (selektovaných) kulturních hodnot. V souladu s podřízením individua celospolečenským zájmům dostaly jednoznačnou přednost kolektivní formy odpočinku a organizovaného využívání volného času (závodní rekreace, masové návštěvy uměleckých představení, muzeí a galerií, později pionýrské tábory), zatímco tradiční spolková činnost a privátní trávení volného času byly chápány jako „buržoazní přežitek“. S podezřením či přímo represí se setkávaly nekonformní způsoby trávení volného času části mládeže, následováníhodným vzorem byla naopak účast na „stavbách mládeže“, pracovních brigádách a školeních. Těmto přístupům odpovídaly i nové jednotné organizační struktury, jež nahrazovaly dřívější spolky a zajišťovaly žádoucí volnočasovou náplň (Revoluční odborové hnutí, Československý svaz mládeže, Svaz pro spolupráci s armádou a podobně). Oficiální místa se snažila podchytit také značně rozvinutou a diferencovanou zájmovou činnost, jako byla amatérská umělecká činnost, provozování společenských her nebo, sběratelství, jejímuž organizování sloužila specifická zařízení (závodní kluby ROH, kulturní domy, osvětové besedy). Podporovány byly všeobecně dostupné formy takových činností, jako šachy nebo filumenie (sbírání nálepek z krabiček od zápalek), marginalizovány záliby finančně náročné či spjaté se soukromým ziskem, jako filatelie či numismatika. Mírný ústup od ideologizovaného pojetí volného času přišel s takzvaným novým kurzem v roce 1953, výraznější změny nastaly ve druhé polovině padesátých let, kdy autoři v souvislosti se zkracováním pracovní doby, zvyšováním životní úrovně a pronikáním konzumních trendů hovoří o programovém rozšiřování volného času a jeho postupné individualizaci., The authors consider the changes in the conception, organization, ways of spending, and forms of leisure in the Bohemian Lands from the establishment of the Communist monopoly on power in early 1948 to the second half of the 1950s. (After this point leisure began here began strikingly to change under the influence of consumerist trends.) They consider the topic in the context of the dominant ideology and changes in economic, social, and arts policies. The authors take into account gender differences, contrasts between town and country, and special features of social groups. They pay particular attention to leisure amongst young people and children. The authors do not, however, see the Communist takeover of February 1948 as a watershed in the sphere of leisure. Instead, they demonstrate both the continuity and differences between the period of limited democracy, from May 1945 to February 1948, and the years that followed. In some cases, they highlight features that were identical in Nazi German and Communist approaches to leisure activities (the rejection of jazz, ‘trash’ (brak) in the arts, and Western influences in general). The authors discuss how the Communist régime intervened intensively in the way people chose to spend their free time, in its endeavour to shape a new type of man and woman in the new social conditions. At the same time, particularly in the late 1940s and early 1950s, the State so emphasized the importance of the work of building socialism, that leisure was seen as a ‘necessary evil’, since it used up valuable physical and mental energy that would have been better spent on increasing productivity. For the same aims, but also with regard to the idea of somewhat democratizing the arts, the regime gave preference to activities such as political and vocational self-education as well as the study of selected arts and cultural values. In keeping with the subordination of the individual to the interests of society, collective forms of recreation and the leisure (holidays spent with groups of co-workers, mass group visits to plays, films, concerts, museums, galleries, and, later, Pioneer camps) were given priority. Traditional club activity and individual leisure were seen as ‘bourgeois survivals’. Some young people’s non-conformist leisure activities met with suspicion from the authorities or with outright repression. Amongst the models of leisure that the régime held worthy of emulation were the Socialist youth building enterprises (stavby mládeže), ‘volunteer’ work, and additional instruction or training. The new organizations, such as, and the Revolutionary Trade-union Movement (Revoluční odborové hnutí – ROH), the Czechoslovak Youth Organization (Československý svaz mládeže – ČSM), and the Association for Work with the Army (Svaz pro spolupráci s armádou – Svazarm), which took the place of the earlier clubs and associations, comported with the new ideology and provided the required forms of leisure. The authorities endeavoured also to support considerably developed and differentiated hobbies, such as making art, playing board games, and collecting. Special facilities were established to run these activities, including the enterprise-based clubs of the ROH, arts centres (kulturní domy), and popular-education organizations (osvětové besedy). Forms of universally accessible activity, like chess and phillumeny (collecting matchbox labels), were supported, whereas as financially more demanding hobbies or those linked to private gain, such as philately or numismatics, were marginalized. A slight retreat from the ideologized conception of leisure came with the so-called ‘new course’ of 1953. But more striking changes were made in the second half of the 1950s. These years, which saw shorter working weeks, a higher standard of living than before, and the emergence of consumerist trends, are described by the authors as a period of the planned expansion of leisure and its gradual individualization.
Studie pojednává na třech úrovních (celostátní, regionální a jedné školní třídy) o tom, jak politické spory v poválečném Československu pronikaly do života studentů středních škol. Podle autora podstatná část veřejně aktivních středoškoláků odmítala být v letech 1946–1948 součástí jednotného Svazu české mládeže, úzce spolupracujícího s Komunistickou stranou Československa, a usilovala o vytvoření samostatného Svazu středoškolského studentstva. Přes zřetelnou podporu ze strany Československé strany národněsocialistické a Československé strany lidové byly však pokusy o legalizaci nového svazu středoškoláků až do února 1948 neúspěšné. V západočeském regionu byly navíc emancipační projevy středoškolských organizací posilovány převládajícími sympatiemi studentů k západní kultuře a široce rozšířenou úctou k americké armádě, která zdejší území osvobodila na konci druhé světové války. V Plzni proto vznikla již na přelomu let 1945 a 1946 nezávislá Krajská středoškolská rada, která posléze začala vydávat vlastní prozápadně orientovaný časopis Studentský hlasatel, distribuovaný i do dalších regionů. Po únoru 1948 plzeňští středoškoláci vyvolali několik protestních demonstrací a inklinovali k zakládání „odbojových“ organizací přímo na školách. Na příkladu jedné „ilegální“ skupiny vytvořené na obchodní akademii v Plzni studie konkrétně ukazuje, jakým způsobem se někdejší příznivci Svazu české mládeže přetvářeli v nástroje poúnorové „očisty“ škol a dřívější odpůrci svazu naopak v protagonisty studentských „odbojových“ organizací i jaká naivita, dilemata a rizika provázely občas toto tříbení. and At three levels (state-wide, regional, and the class of one school) this article examines how political disputes in post-Second World War Czechoslovakia entered the lives of secondary-school students. According to the author, a substantial number of publicly active secondary-school students in 1946–48 refused to be part of the united Czech Youth Organization (Svaz české mládeže), which worked closely with the Czechoslovak Communist Party (CPCz), and sought instead to establish a separate Organization of Secondary-school Students (Svaz středoškolského studentstva). Despite clear support from the Czechoslovak National Social Party and the Czechoslovak Populist Party, the attempts to legalize the new association of secondary-school students before the Communist takeover in late February 1948 were unsuccessful. In the region of west Bohemia, moreover, the attempts at emancipation of secondary-school organizations were intensified by students’ sympathies for west European and American culture and by their widespread respect for the US Army, which had liberated west Bohemia towards the end of the Second World War. In Pilsen therefore an independent Regional Secondary-school Council (Krajská středoškolská rada) had emerged already in late 1945 and early 1946. It eventually began to publish its own pro-Western periodical, Studentský hlasatel (The Students’ Herald), which was distributed to other regions as well. After the Communist takeover, Pilsen secondary-school students clamoured for several protest demonstrations and tended to favour the establishment of ‘resistance’ organizations right at their schools. Using the example of one ‘underground’ group formed at a Pilsen business academy, the article demonstrates the way in which erstwhile adherents of the Czech Youth Organization became an instrument for the post-takeover ‘purges’ of schools, and shows how former opponents of the organization, by contrast, became joined student ‘resistance’ organizations and also how naivety, dilemmas, and risks sometimes accompanied this crystallization.
Podle recenzentky kniha přináší spoustu poznatků o organizování pomoci uprchlíkům před nacismem v předválečném Československu, přibližuje fungování a atmosféru uprchlických táborů a působivě seznamuje s řadou konkrétních lidských osudů. Chybí jí však snaha o celistvou interpretaci, zevšeobecňující závěry a také komparativní záběr. Významně narušuje mýtus první republiky jako bezpečného přístavu pro uprchlíky, přitom však nekompromisní kritikou státních restrickí bezděčně vytváří opačný mýtus, který by byl nepochybně relativizován srovnáním s poměry v dalších evropských zemích ve třicátých letech. and This work, according to the reviewer, provides a great deal of information about the organizing of aid to refugees of Nazism in pre-war Czechoslovakia. It also describes the operation and atmosphere of the refugee camps and movingly acquaints the reader with a number of actual life stories. It fails, however, to provide a unified interpretation, general conclusions, or a comparative picture. Importantly, it debunks the myth that the First Republic of Czechoslovakia was a haven for refugees. With its uncompromising criticism of the restrictions implemented by the Czechoslovak state, however, the work unconsciously creates a contrary myth, and would undoubtedly have been more balanced had it also attempted to compare Czechoslovak policy with that in other European countries in the 1930s.
Today university rankings and performance rankings (ot en based on JIFs, h-indexes) are believed to be indispensable to assure scientii c “quality”. Most of these performance rankings employ citation data provided by h omson Reuters. TR’s current inl uence on funding decisions, individual careers, institutions, disciplines and countries is immense and ambivalent. h ere is increasing resistance against “impactitis” and “evaluitis”. Usually overseen: Trivial errors in TR’s citation indexes (SCI, SSCI, AHCI) produce severe non-trivial ef ects: h eir victims are authors, institutions, journals with names beyond the ASCIIcode and scholars of humanities and social sciences. Based on the Joshua Lederberg Papers I claim: To overcome severe resistance Eugene Gari eld and Joshua Lederberg had to foster overoptimistic attitudes and to downplay the severe problems connected to global and multidisciplinary citation indexing. h e dii culties to handle dif erent formats of references and footnotes, non- Anglo-American names, and of publications in non-English languages were known to the pioneers of citation indexing., Dnešní žebříčky univerzit a výkonnosti (často založené na JIF a h-indexech) jsou považovány za nepostradatelné pro zajištění vědecké „kvality“. Většina z těchto žebříčku produktivity využívá citační údaje poskytnuté h omson Reuters. Současný vliv TR na rozhodování o i nancování, na individuální kariéry, instituce, obory a země je ohromný a ambivalentní. Odpor vuči „impaktitidě“ a „evaluatitidě“ se zvyšuje. Obvykle je přehlížena skutečnost, že triviální chyby v citačních indexech TR (SCI, SSCI, AHCI) mají závažné, netriviální následky: jejich obětmi jsou autoři, instituce, časopisy vymykající se ASCII-kódu a akademici v humanitních a sociálních vědách. Na základě rozboru Joshua Lederberg Papers tvrdím, že aby překonali tvrdý odpor, Eugene Gari eld a Joshua Lederberg museli protěžovat přehnaně optimistické postoje a zlehčovat vážné problémy spojené s globálními a multidisciplinárními citačními indexy. Obtíže plynoucí z ruzných formátu odkazu a poznámek, jiných než anglo-amerických jmen a publikací v jiných jazycích než v angličtině byly známy již prukopníkum citačních indexu., and Terje Tüür-Fröhlich.
Počátkem ledna 2016 se pooteřely dveře Nobelova archivu ve Stockholmu. Byly odtajněny materiály v české literatuře nepublikované, totiž návrhy na Nobelovy ceny za fyziku a za chemii z let 1955-65. Nobelovy ceny za fyziku udělené v tomto období měly dalekosáhlý význam pro tento vědní obor., Jiří Jindra., and Obsahuje seznam literatury
This article discusses the topic of national identification. The author's aim is to define the appropriate conceptual framework for describing nationality, while taking into account the pluralistic character of the nation and the related contextual and multi-levelled nature of national identification. In the author's view, the concept of 'identification' more accurately applies to individual nationality than the category of identity does, owing to the latter's undesirable subjectivism, methodological individualism, and its occasional references to an over-intellectualised concept of the individual. Scientists who use the second of these two terms tend, moreover, to conflate descriptions of individual and collective phenomena. In an effort to substantiate and elaborate his arguments the author draws on the Good Soldier Švejk by Jaroslav Hašek and presents an analysis of the national identification of the novel's multi-national protagonists. He demonstrates that national identification is multi-levelled and variable, depending on particular situations and institutional frameworks. The author's description shows that the best method of analysing individual nationality may be by examining the individual's set of social roles and institutions rather than describing individual identifications.
During the last couple of decades, paid childcare has become one of the central issues of feminist research. Agencies mediating childcare are a relatively new actor in childcare arrangements in the Czech Republic. This article argues that these agencies do not fill a gap in the market by offering childcare. Far from providing simple supply that reacts to a market demand, the agencies create the demand for specific care. Drawing upon qualitative research conducted with owners of these agencies, the text looks into the ways in which childcare is constructed. The issues of qualified, specialized, and professionalized care are discussed. The article aims to show that childcare in the agencies is deconstructed as a natural female activity and is reconstructed as a gendered activity requiring particular skills that are subjected to professional screening., Adéla Souralová., and Obsahuje bibliografii
In the years 2004 and 2005 a survey was conducted that focused on recording of authentic testimonies about the everyday lives of women in the country predominantly in the second half of the 20th century. Correspondents of the Czech Ethnographical Society, students and female seniors from different parts of the Czech Republic took part in the survey. this report reveals the results including characteristic quotations. The information was obtained from different localities on an uneven basis. There is a compact set of records from four villages in eastern Moravia and four authentic testimonies from Těšín region in the foothills of Beskydy Mountains. The information was either handwritten by the respondents, or their narration was recorded by the Czech Ethnographical Society correspondents, students of Silesian University or by a local chronicler. The outline of the research was available to everyone. We were above all interested in the changes which rural families had to go through in the second half of the 20th century due to collectivization of land and changes in social and economic conditions.
Bedřich Machulka was born on June 22, 1875. Since his youth he had been interested in Africa. However, only after meeting Richard Štorch he was able to realize his dreams. Together they parted for Africa. They settled in Tripolis in Libya and dedicated themselves in hunting and stuffing animals. Afterwards they moved to Sudan where they established a base for hunting expeditions. In the year 1927 Štorch died. Machulka moved his interest to eastern Africa. Since 1929 he had established a partnership with Duke Adolf Schwarzenberg (1890–1950). At the beginning their collaboration went on without problems. However, after Machulka failed to organize film recording in Kenya, the Duke did not entrust him anymore with organizing of other expeditions. This period of life of Machulka, until the year 1935, is well illustrated by letters that he exchanged with the Duke through the Schwarzenberg Office. Schwarzenberg valued Machulka highly for his professional and organizational qualities. Therefore, in spite of the mutual disagreements he found him a place of preserver and curator of small museum of ethnographic artifacts and trophies in the castle Ohrada (on the manor of Hluboká). There Machulka had worked throughout the Second World War until the year 1947, when all the properties of the Schwarzenbergs on the territory of Czechoslovakia were nationalized. Machulka finished his life in Prague in humble conditions. He died on March 6, 1954.
Besides many dispersed fragments related to theory of sleep, dreams and their interpretation, Babylonian Talmud contains a long passage dealing with those issues, which includes also several series of dream-interpretations. The passage is often referred to as „Rabbinic dream-book” in specialized scholarly literature. The present article analyses contain and compositional patterns of the text and indicates the presence of mutually exclusive theories of dreams and their interpretation, as well as typically Talmudic methods of organization such as association and agglutination. Since the final composition does not communicate any uniform statement, we claim it incorrect to call the text „Rabbinic dream-book” and suggest it is not more than a mere agglutination of pre-existing textual fragments.
My study aims to conduct a comparative analysis of two theorists in what were probably the most formative years of postwar Austrian history, the era of the conservative government of Josef Klaus. Specifi cally, I compare the conservative philosophy of right of Austrian philosopher of Croatian origin René Marcic and the Marxist humanism of Ernst Fischer. In doing so, it is my intention to describe the ideological foundations and intellectual horizons of Josef Klaus’s right-wing government and, at the same time, to discuss how this policy was confronted by Ernst Fischer from the left. A further purpose of my study is to inquire into the intellectual foundations that laid the ground for Austrian civil society, and to ask how these foundations were confronted by the Austrian Communist Party’s chief ideologist, Ernst Fischer.
Kniha francouzské autorky pojednává o osudech francouzských archivů, které nejprve za druhé světové války zabavily a do různých míst ve střední Evropě evakuovaly německé úřady, posléze je převzaly a do své země odvezly úřady sovětské, přičemž mnohé tyto dokumenty dosud zůstávají v Rusku. Autorka zdánlivě nezáživné téma podává jako strhující příběh, zasazuje je do historického rámce využívání archivů jako válečné trofeje a vnáší do aktuálních diskusí o historické paměti nový důležitý rozměr. and This volume, by a French historian, considers the fate of the French archives that were first confiscated during the Second World War and carted off to various places in central Europe by the German authorities, before eventually being taken by the Soviet authorities and brought to the USSR. Many of the records have remained in Russia to this day. The author presents this potentially lacklustre subject as an exciting story. She puts it into the historical framework of archives as war booty, and adds a new, important dimension to current debates about historical memory.
Článek je zkrácenou verzí studie, kterou autor publikoval pod názvem „‘No Action’: Die USA und die Invasion in die Tschechoslowakei“ ve sborníku: Karner, Stefan – Tomilina, Natalja – Tschubarjan, Alexander – Bischof, Günter – Iščenko, Viktor – Prozumenščikov, Michail – Ruggenthaler, Peter – Tůma, Oldřich – Wilke, Manfred (ed.): Prager Frühling: Das internationale Krisenjahr 1968, sv. 1: Beiträge. Köln/R. – Weimar – Wien, Böhlau 2008, s. 319-354. Autor rekonstruuje postoj americké vlády k intervenci vojsk Vašavské smlouvy do Československa v srpnu 1968. Připomíná, že v květnu toho roku náměstek ministra zahraničí Eugene W. Rostow – s odvoláním na průběh a vyústění komunistického převratu v Československu a sovětské intervence v Maďarsku na podzim 1956 – doporučoval svému ministrovi Deanu Ruskovi Moskvu jasně jasně varovat Moskvu před násilným zásahem. Rusk doporučení odmítl dvěma slovy: „No Action.“ Tento lakonický komentář podle autora vystihuje celou americkou reakci na československou krizi. Administrativa prezidenta Lyndona B. Johnsona invazi nepředpokládala a byla jí překvapena. Jednoznačně se shodla na tom, že Spojené státy nemohou do situace vojensky zasáhnout, a soustředila se na odvrácení Sovětů od případného rozšíření intervence na Rumunsko, Jugoslávii a snad i Rakousko, které však bylo spíše psychologickou než reálnou hrozbou. Kromě toho musel Bílý dům čelit podezření, vyjadřovanému značnou částí západního tisku, ale třeba i francouzskými oficiálními kruhy, že dal předem Kremlu volnou ruku k vojenské akci. Prioritním cílem americké politiky bylo tehdy pokračování v procesu uvolňování mezinárodního napětí, což se promítlo do jejich nekonfrontačního postoje vůči Sovětům. Ovšem neočekávanými důsledky intervence bylo podle autora posílení soudržnosti Severoatlantické aliance a přehodnocení plánů na stažení amerických vojsk z Evropy. and This article is an abridged version, in Czech translation, of the article ‘“No Action”: Die USA und die Invasion in die Tschechoslowakei’, from the volume of essays by Stefan Karner, Natalja Tomilina, Alexander Tschubarjan, Günter Bischof, Viktor Iščenko, Michail Prozumenščikov, Peter Ruggenthaler, Oldřich Tůma, and Manfred Wilke, Prager Frühling: Das internationale Krisenjahr 1968, vol. 1, Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau, 2008, pp. 319–54. In the article the author reconstructs the US Administration’s response to the Warsaw Pact military intervention in Czechoslovakia in August 1968. He points out that in May of that year Deputy Secretary of State Eugene V. Rostow, referring to the Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia and the Soviet intervention in Hungary in 1956, recommended to his superior, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, to give Moscow a clear warning against intervening by force. Rusk rejected the recommendation with two words: ‘No action’. This laconic statement, according to the author, embodies the whole US reaction to the Czechoslovak crisis. The military intervention none the less took the Johnson Administration by surprise. The Administration unanimously agreed that the United States could not get involved in the crisis militarily, and concentrated instead on deterring the Soviets from further possible interventions in Romania, Yugoslavia, and perhaps even Austria, a threat that was, however, probably more psychological than real. Apart from that, the White House had to face the suspicion, expressed by a considerable part of the Western communications media and also, for example, by French official circles, that it had given the Kremlin the green light for the military operation. The primary aim of US policy here was to continue the process of international détente. This was projected into their non-confrontational approach towards the Soviets. Two unexpected consequences of the intervention, argues the author, were increased unity in the North-Atlantic Alliance and a reconsideration of plans to withdraw US troops from Europe.
This paper uses a corpus of 14 hours of recorded interactions to analyze the “normative” and “strategic” honorifics usage of speakers of Korean as a second language. I define “normative” honorifics as usage that reflects recognized “power”, “distance” and “formality” factors. “Strategic” honorifics usage breaks from these norms, is pragmatically “marked” and is motivated by interactional goals. Previous studies into the honorifics usage of speakers of Korean as a second language focus on analysis of “errors” judged against prescriptive norms. However, the current paper adopts an interactional socio-pragmatic perspective and looks at the ideology and specific intentions that underlie second language usage. According to my data, in comparison with native interaction, second language speaker discourse displays less variation according to normative factors but may show more marked strategic alterations. Regarding normative usage, speakers prefer to establish equal relationships and minimize “power” differences. As for strategic use, speakers may alternate honorific levels according to the sensitivity of the situation or the illocutionary force of particular utterances. I explain these differences with reference to conflicting ideologies as to language usage between Korean and “Western” cultures, prevalent during the interview process. I conclude the paper by discussing the implications for Korean applied linguistics.
Historically, the main focus of the study of housing in advanced economies has been on houses that meet the accommodation needs of households: houses as the main residence of families. In recent decades there has been the growth in the numbers of houses used for purposes other than as a main residence, for example in the forms of the recent global spread of Airbnb and of foreign engagement in housing as an investment tool; alongside a set of ‘for housing’ houses (FHH) another, overlapping, set of ‘not for housing’ houses (NFHH) is emerging. The present paper begins by identifying four types of NFHH, and considers the significance of their growth. It argues that while the NFHH sector is relatively small it has large impacts, and these are such that they challenge housing researchers and policy makers to develop additional ways of looking at housing systems.
Lutz Klinkhammer Tato stať, kterou v časopise Soudobé dějiny pokračuje seriál o vývoji a dnešním stavu disciplíny soudobých dějin ve vybraných evropských zemích, původně vyšla pod názvem „Novecento statt Storia contemporanea: Überlegungen zur italienischen Zeitgeschichte“ a je převzata ze sborníku editorů Alexandra Nützenadela a Wolfganga Schiedera Zeitgeschichte als Problem: Nationale Traditionen und Perspektiven der Forschung in Europa (Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2004, s. 107–127). Autor uvádí, že pojem „soudobé dějiny“ pro označení vyhraněné disciplíny historického bádání, jako je tomu v Německu nebo ve Francii, nemá v Itálii zřetelnou obdobu. Termín storia contemporanea zde měl po roce 1945 trojí význam. Jednak se užíval jako pojmenování dějinného úseku zhruba posledních dvou století, dále pro časově kratší období „krátkého 20. století“ (novecento) a konečně sloužil k charakteristice jakékoli historické události v jejím „soudobém“ rozměru, tedy její instrumentalizace podle aktuálních (politických či jiných) potřeb. Tyto významy autor ilustruje jednak na příkladech přehledů a učebnic italských dějin, jednak na aktuálních sporech o historické činy papežů a katolické církve, o světla a stíny italského národního sjednocení v šedesátých letech 19. století a údajnou levicovou ideologizaci poválečného italského dějepisectví. V něm se zrodil „mýtus rezistence“ proti německé okupaci z let 1943 až 1945, jehož rubem byla marginalizace, či dokonce tabuizace italského fašismu, a který odpovídal zájmům širokospektrální protifašistické koalice politických sil v Itálii. S hlubším výzkumem italského fašismu se začalo až v šedesátých letech. Od devadesátých let pak podle autora trvají ostré spory o hodnocení odboje (včetně komunistických zločinů) a fašistické republiky ze Salò, v nichž je patrná snaha o „plíživou rehabilitaci“ fašistické minulosti a které by svědčily pro tezi, že italské soudobé dějiny ve vlastním smyslu začínají rokem 1943. and This article, which is one of a series in Soudobé dějiny on the development of the discipline of contemporary history and its current state in selected countries of Europe, was originally published as “Novecento statt Storia contemporanea? Überlegungen zur italienischen Zeitgeschichte” in Alexander Nützenadel and Wolfgang Schieder (eds), Zeitgeschichte als Problem: Nationale Traditionen und Perspektiven der Forschung in Europa (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004, pp. 107–27). The author argues that in Italy, unlike Germany or France, there is no distinct term for “contemporary history” to denote this clearly defined discipline of historical research. The term storia contemporanea had three meanings since 1945. First, it was used to denote an historical period of roughly the last two centuries. Second, it meant only the “short” twentieth century (il novecento). Last, the term served to denote any historical event in its “contemporary” dimension, that is to say, its instrumentalization according to current needs, political or otherwise. The author illustrates these meanings by providing examples from surveys and textbooks of Italian history and from current debates on the historical actions of the popes and the Roman Catholic Church, the bright and dark sides of Italian unifi cation in the 1860s, and the alleged left-wing ideologization of post-war Italian historiography. In this historiography was born the “myth of resistance” to the German occupation of 1943–45, the other side of which was the marginalization of Italian Fascism or even its being made taboo. This corresponded to the interests of the broad anti-Fascist political coalition in Italy. More penetrating research into Italian Fascism did not begin to appear till the 1960s. Since the 1990s, according to the author, there have been fierce disagreements in assessments of the resistance (including Communist crimes) and the Nazi-puppet state known as the Salò Republic, in which there has been an evident endeavour to achieve the “creeping rehabilitation” of the Fascist past, which would speak in support of the argument that Italian contemporary history really begins in 1943.
The cuticular structure of juveniles of several oribatids of different families with wrinkled cuticles were compared: Hermannia gibba, Tectocepheus velatus, Scutovertex minutus, Achipteria coleoptrata and Eupelops occultus. Both the surface and internal structures of the "plissée" were studied. Light microscopy revealed several patterns in mites studied with Masson's triple stain and these results were supported by TEM. Although the "plissée" looks similar at the body surface, the structure and ultrastructure differ among groups. Some types of wrinkling is supported by small muscles, probably for changing body shape. Differences in the structure of the cuticle of the prosoma and opisthosoma were observed. The differences in the wrinkling in the cuticle in diferent lines is associated with change in the body shape in response to different moisture conditions.
The official Burgundian historiographer Georges Chastellain (perhaps 1415-1475) left an extensive work of various genres behind. We also find in the Chronicle noteworthy Bohemicalia and Luxemburg passages, concerning particularly the origin of Hussitism. Chastellain saw the roots of this revolution in the lascivious alliance of Prague girls and the monks of one monastery there. To be able to sleep with their lovers, the girls cut their hair and wore monk´s cowls. It was the beginning of absolute chaos and reversal of the established hierarchies in Bohemia. We do not know the direct source of the author´s inspiration, but ideologically the story is close to a number of works of anti-Hussite propaganda, emphasising the destructive role of women in the revolution. It is also not an accident that Chastellain included the chapter on the Prague girls just before the narrative on Joan of Arc, for whom as an author from Burgundy he did not sympathize. Also she changed into men´s clothing and her behaviour led to wars and chaos according to the author. The parallel was to be obvious. At the time when he wrote the passage on Hussitism, Georges Chastellain also considered the mission of historians and their place in the period society. He ascribed a place to them almost on the same level as aristocrats. It was a parallel: like aristocrats use the sword, the tongue must serve men of the quill for the elimination of the injustice of this world. and Martin Nejedlý.
k vyd. připravili Tomáš Breň a Pavel Janáček., Německé resumé, Obsahuje jmenný rejstřík, and Publikace vznikla v rámci výzkumného záměru Z90560517 a ve spolupráci s Katedrou společenských věd ČVUT a Svatoborem